“We have already seen supporters leave the party. In a village in Gaziantep province, an Alevi community of CHP members left the party. A similar situation took place in Isparta. In Tunceli, CHP members of the city council resigned,” he told Today's Zaman for Monday Talk.
In a Nov. 10 session on the government's move to solve the Kurdish issue, former diplomat and CHP Deputy Chairman Onur Öymen, made a speech in Parliament saying: “Didn't mothers also cry at the time of the Sheikh Said Rebellion? Didn't mothers also cry at the time of the Dersim Rebellion?” in response to the government's use of the phrase “Let no more mothers cry” as part of its efforts to end the Kurdistan Workers' Party's (PKK) campaign of terror. His words left Alevis, who give considerable support to CHP, infuriated.
At the same time, Öymen’s remarks brought the 1938 events that took place in Dersim, today known as Tunceli, into the limelight. The issue has long been glossed over. The Kurdish name of Dersim was changed to Tunceli in 1935. The government in 1937 had a restructuring plan for the city to evacuate it and issue permits to grant residency in the province. Members of a group that rebelled against the plan were executed by the state. According to an interview with former Foreign Minister and then-Chief of Police İhsan Sabri Çağlayangil, locals in Dersim were poisoned by the state in caves while the air force bombed the city in response to the uprising. Tunceli now has the lowest population among all of Turkey’s provinces.
‘We have already seen supporters leave the party. In a village in Gaziantep province, an Alevi community of CHP members left the party. A similar situation took place in Isparta. In Tunceli, CHP members of the city council resigned. … There will be more of the same at the grassroots level’ |
Solgun, who is from Tunceli, elaborates on the issue.
Were you watching Onur Öymen live on television when he uttered his infamous remarks?
Yes, I was.
What did you think?
Honestly, I first felt great anger. I didn’t know what to say about his remarks at the time that Turkey was talking about the democratic initiative even though I knew that Öymen’s remarks were an expression of the CHP mindset against Alevis. I was surprised and angry that he was saying it openly at the time of the discussion of the democratic initiative.
What did you do then?
I then contacted Alevi organizations I know and asked them if they had heard Öymen speak on television. The people who did not hear what Öymen said questioned whether I had heard him right. They were surprised he could be so reckless. Protests were then organized, and I participated in them.
You said Öymen’s remarks do indeed reflect the mentality of CHP officials vis-à-vis Alevis. Please elaborate.
First of all, Öymen did not mistakenly make those remarks. Second, Öymen openly voiced the main opposition party’s opinion of Alevis. This is not what I think about the CHP. The CHP calls itself the founding party of the republic, so it has the duty to protect the country’s regime. It doesn’t attribute itself the qualities of a regular party. That means that it also stands behind the practices of the one-party regime. And we have seen this attitude in its recent policies, which come at a time when the country has been discussing its democratic initiative. Öymen, in a way, said Mustafa Kemal Atatürk (the founder of the Republic of Turkey) did not have dialogue with “terrorists” but did what was necessary. His directness surprised some people. This was striking.
Isn’t it also striking that the CHP is a party that appeals most to Alevis? Why do Alevis vote for the CHP?
Contrary to popular belief, the Alevis’ attraction to the CHP is not very old. It is not a widely known fact that the Alevis voted for the Democrat Party (DP) in 1950, when the country’s first free elections were held. This parallels the voting patterns of other groups that were unjustly treated by the one-party regime. In the 1960s, Alevis started to develop an interest in leftist movements. They were interested in parties that stood against the status quo in Turkey. This was also the case in 1970, when the CHP emerged with leftist tendencies under the leadership of Bülent Ecevit. So the ‘70s were the period when Alevis started to vote for the CHP. The ‘80s saw the brutal practices of the military regime and Alevis were disenfranchised, just as they were in the one-party period. Mosques were built in Alevi villages and Alevi dedes (spiritual leaders) faced harsh treatment. Again, Alevis were interested in left of the center parties like the Social Democratic People’s Party (SHP) in that period. These are understandable developments. But what is unusual is that Alevis are still interested in today’s CHP.
‘1990s were critical’
 Cafer Solgun, A Kurdish-Alevi writer who advocates facing up to history Cafer Solgun is the chairman of the Confrontation Society, which advocates a re-writing of republican history and a return of honor to the people unjustly convicted of crimes committed by state-related organs. He is also among the founders of the Munzur Intellectuals and Artists Platform (MASAP), established in 2005 to protect the cultural and natural values of Dersim, officially known today as the province of Tunceli. Solgun’s parents were about 6 and 7 years old at the time of the 1937 and 1938 killings in Dersim, where many locals were massacred. Solgun, who was imprisoned for his political views, has two books of short stories. Additionally, his latest book, “Alevilerin Kemalizmle İmtihanı” (Alevis’ Test with Kemalism), questions the relationship between Alevis and Kemalism. |
How do you explain this? When did this tendency emerge?
The critical period was the 1990s, when the Kurdish problem entered Turkey’s agenda as a burning issue. There was also the Sivas massacre of July 2, 1993, which resulted in the deaths of 37 Alevi intellectuals, and the Gazi events of March 15, 1995, when 17 were killed in an Alevi neighborhood of İstanbul. Then came a document in the mid-1990s; the National Security Policy Document pointed out that reactionary movements were a threat to the regime. So in addition to the “separatist” movements, there was also the threat of “reactionaryism” as pointed out by the military. They said Shariah rule would come to Turkey if no action was taken. And Turkey saw the so-called postmodern coup in the Feb. 28 [1997] process. At every opportunity, Sunni Muslims were portrayed as “anti-secular” by efforts of the dark forces in this country. It is apparent that some anti-democratic forces aimed to create deep polarization in society in which “secularists” would be pitted against “anti-secularists.” They needed a group of people to do this. At this point, they discovered Alevis because the Alevis had had fears and uneasy feelings about Sunni Muslims.
Can you give an example or two of provocations from this period?
Alevi fears that Sunni Muslims could destroy them were pumped up by provocations such as the Gazi and Sivas killings. These provocations were seen for what they are in the process of investigating Ergenekon. Anti-democratic forces used Alevis to create a group of people who would shout slogans such as “Turkey is secular and will remain secular.” These anti-democratic forces were partially successful. The CHP stood in the middle of these events as it was behind the efforts of the anti-democratic forces. But this regime does not even recognize the status of Alevis and is not interested in Alevi demands even though it expects Alevis to protect the regime!
Only a few CHP deputies are Alevi, is that right?
There have always been few Alevi deputies from the CHP. Alevi votes have not turned into Alevi voices from the CHP in Parliament. The CHP is the party of the official ideology which discriminates against Alevis. Contrary to the belief that Alevis hold important positions in the military, bureaucracy and the CHP administration because they have been voting for the CHP, Alevis do not have important positions to hold onto and to have a voice. This is a myth. Being an Alevi is indeed a big obstacle to holding influential positions.
Do you think Alevi support for the CHP will decrease?
The CHP’s votes decreased in the 2007 general elections. It has been losing votes. It has lost considerable amount of votes in places such as Erzincan and Malatya, where there are Kurdish Alevis. In the next election, the CHP will be even more disappointed.
You were first angry at Öymen, but do you think his words will help Turkey talk about what happened in Dersim?
Exactly. He contributed to a debate that has been going on in Turkey for the last seven to eight years. When Ahmet Kaya said 10 years ago that he would sing a song in Kurdish, he became the victim of a lynch campaign. But the Turkish Radio and Television Corporation (TRT) now airs Kaya’s songs. There were times that people could not identify the issue as the “Kurdish problem,” but now the debate is about how to solve the Kurdish problem. And the government says the way to solve it is to increase the standards of democracy. So some things are changing in Turkey. At the same time, hotly debated issues are forgotten after a new item enters the agenda. This should not be so. The 1938 Dersim issue requires complete confrontation to avoid similar tragedies.
‘General Staff should open Dersim archives’
What are the requirements for this confrontation?
The General Staff has documents regarding how the whole Dersim issue started and ended. Those documents should be opened to the public so people can know about this horrible event. We should also know where the bodies of Seyit Rıza and his friends are -- they were being executed without trial on the grounds that they were the leaders of the Dersim Rebellion. We should also not forget that the Dersim issue is part of the Kurdish problem. By confrontation, I also suggest that there should be understanding of the sins of the one-party era in Turkey. The 1924 constitution declared that everyone in the country is a Turk and ignored the existence of other ethnic groups. With this understanding, there was a systematic assimilation policy. This policy did not deliver the desired results. Kurds feel Kurdish, people from Dersim still say they are from Dersim. We should realize this. But because of the policy of denial, we still have the Kurdish problem which produces pain and tears.
But isn’t a contribution from the opposition a must for such a confrontation and healing process in the society at a time when even the military supports the process of democratization?
The visible opposition to the process comes from civilians, the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) and the CHP, all of whom have a militaristic outlook. This is not productive opposition; they reject the democratization process. They also refuse to identify the Kurdish problem for what it is and use strong words against the government. This attitude of the opposition has an influence on the government. Even though Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan says there is no turning back, there are signs that the government’s desire to continue with the process has waned somewhat. This is mostly because the CHP insists on its position as the party of the status quo and the regime. Even President Abdullah Gül made efforts to include the main opposition in the process by suggesting that there could be arrangements to enable the CHP’s attendance at National Security Council (MGK) meetings. The CHP opposed this idea as well. Despite all that, there is no turning back since the process has already started.
Do you expect a loss of support for the CHP?
We have already seen supporters leave the party. In a village in Gaziantep province, an Alevi community of CHP members left the party. A similar situation took place in Isparta. In Tunceli, CHP members of the city council resigned. Well-known scholar Ali Hıdır Kulu and his wife, both from Tunceli and members of the CHP for 41 years, resigned. There will be more of the same at the grassroots level. However, people who would like to resign from the central bodies of the CHP have been pressured to not do so. Unfortunately, there are no signs of resignation by CHP deputies in Parliament. All eyes are now on Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu, who has not made a statement since Öymen’s appalling remarks. He was actually among the people who applauded Öymen when he uttered his words. Kılıçdaroğlu was silent. He had to say something as he had to go to Tunceli for his mother’s funeral and saw people’s reactions there. He just said that Öymen “should do what is necessary.” On the other hand, Öymen and his supporters said that they had turned the page. In the coming days, reactions will be focused more on Alevi CHP deputies such as Kılıçdaroğlu. People say if Öymen did not do “what is necessary,” Kılıçdaroğlu should.
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