[Silent Turkey-3] Nationalists
by
EKREM DUMANLI

Perhaps that’s why nationalism is so widely accepted by the general public. This strand of nationalism, which is predominantly based on patriotism, can also coexist peacefully with Islamic sentiments. In other words, this nationalism is not built on any sort of racism. Since this main strand of nationalism, which preaches such sentiments as love of country, respect for the flag, etc., does not approve of xenophobia, it is wrong to equate it with today’s neo-nationalism or regard the people who consider themselves to be nationalists -- particularly in Anatolia -- as racists, and this is an observation made from a strong outsiders’ perspective . The fact that people can assume nationalist, conservative and religious identities all at the same time indicates that nationalism, in its general sense, does not correspond to a racist or fascist mindset.

Islam strongly prohibits racism, and this prohibition has been implemented in practice since the advent of Islam, tailoring nationalism into a more reasonable and more mature form. It is this group of nationalists who opt for silence in this muted Turkey. In other words, it is the main strand. The groups who today regard themselves as neo-nationalist and Kemalist and secular, etc., at the same time have nothing do with Anatolia’s nationalist vein.

Nationalism has recently suffered two major breaks. The first and the most tragic of these occurred in 1980. The oppression of the idealist (ülkücü) young people at the hands of the military rule of Sept. 12 was not something that one would expect in return for their toil for the good of the country. The urge to “protect the country against threats,” which peaked in the aftermath of the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979, had garnered sympathy among the general public toward the nationalist struggle. The terrible fate of Afghanistan might become true also for Turkey; therefore, it was necessary to “protect the state” and “fight against the collaborators within.” This mentality also sought to “protect the country” and to “do services to the state.” It was a generation of dynamic young people who would not criticize the army in the least and would carry signs reading “The army, the nation hand-in-hand” during rallies. The military coup of Sept. 12 not only devastated these childish feelings but also caused major trauma. The young people who strove for the “survival of the state” were tortured by the most cruel and degrading methods. This great disappointment was translated into a self-critique of “what was our mistake” among the nationalist groups, and they arrived at the conclusion that “the state could protect itself, but it chose to use and then discard us.” Indeed, after the coup, these groups gave a big, unexpected “no” to the requests from the state to conduct some illegal work “for the sake of the state.”

Another break was experienced in the 1990s. The idea of fusing and coexisting with Islam that started in the 1980s was being discarded 20 years later. Of course, not among the base. This alienation, observable among the politicians of this mentality, signified a certain distancing away from the “Turko-Islamic idea” discourse and from the “Dervish and veteran,” or “Alperen,” characterization. At the peak of this alienation, the Red Apple (Kızıl Elma) alliance was proposed. The tight-knit relations between certain figures that were considered “problematic” for the nationalist groups, such as Doğu Perinçek and İlhan Selçuk, disturbed mainstream nationalists. This was a serious shift in orientation. The people who cautioned that it was too risky to ally oneself with the groups who politically tended to lend support to military coups or juntas and who regarded nationalism as an enemy were not heeded, and when the allied teams -- who were first said to be retired military officers and then corrected to be retired public servants -- attempted to conduct an operation inside the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP), this led to the separation of many nationalists from the party. And this was a good development. Otherwise, they would send the idealist (ülkücü) youth to the streets to use them as a tool for their operations and make them part of the psychological warfare “to pave the way” for their ends.

At this point, the resistance conducted inside also intended to maintain authority and balance therein. Could the neo-nationalism virus be contained without contaminating the main body? It is not easy to give a quick “yes” to this question. Unfortunately, the aftershocks of the Red Apple alliance still continue, and there is a serious shift in orientation in the political movements which claim to represent nationalism. More clearly, nationalism in some groups is shifting toward neo-nationalism and coming closer to the left wing and Kemalism. In other words, the Islamic side of the nationalism and religion scale is being emptied out. As such, we can witness a series of chain reactions ranging from the support of Ergenekon to a cold attitude toward Islam.

The masses, who have long regarded themselves as “nationalist, patriotic, conservative,” etc., tend to remain silent in the face of these developments and wonder what the outcome of this alienation will be among the elites. The breaking away of the constituencies that are regarded as typical “strongholds of nationalism” such as Erzurum and Yozgat from the party elites is the first sign of things to come in Anatolia. Nationalism’s shift toward neo-nationalism has driven some political parties from Anatolia and toward coastal regions where the Kemalists left are traditionally stronger. There is also an added danger: The rise of the MHP in the cities receiving an inflow of people migrating from the Southeast and the concerns that some reactions in these cities may be translated into racism imply that the progression is toward an unhealthy structure where social peace may be violated.

Nationalism is under the threat of neo-nationalism. Neo-nationalism referred to such values as “homeland, country, national assets,” but at the same time, it advocated xenophobia. In this structure characterized by ultra-nationalism and militarism, the cold stance toward Islam did not go unnoticed. It was not without reason that senior members of Ergenekon worked hard to provoke nationalists while seeking peace at the Turkish Orthodox Church (a group whose members include some Ergenekon suspects), and longing for the pre-Islam era of Turks was for a reason.

The minds of the people who regard themselves as automatically nationalist since they are patriotic were confused in the face of these intricate relations because the neo-nationalist wave transmitted some dirty information to these people. There is a strong link between the popularity of conspiracy theories and the penetration of pro-coup neo-nationalists among nationalists. There were developments that created concerns among the religious people --religious communities, religious orders, civil society organizations -- whom they treated with sympathy in the past and which would sympathize with them. The mainstream nationalists have not severed their ties with Islam or with devout Muslims, while the political elites within this group are increasingly distancing themselves from devout Muslims through both their harsh rhetoric and aggressive discourse. The ability of the current elites to understand the mainstream nationalists, who in the past garnered everyone’s sympathy for their dignified and sincere struggle for the good of the homeland, is dependent on whether they have come to the current position from among the grass roots.

Jacobean elites may fail to decode the all-embracing, peaceful nationalism of Anatolia, but it is not a hard guess for the silent majority of grass roots to realize that a return to the nationalism of Nihal Atsız is nothing but a breaking way from the nation. This conclusion is already being implemented, which partially accounts for the silence of the majority. This is because the young people whose nails were removed in torture during the military rule of Sept. 12 tend to adopt a realistic stance to today’s developments, and they see that it is a grave sin to turn one’s back to the nation in return for some shadowy connections. They know best that the entrenched problems of the country cannot be solved by just shouting or making noise. They also know that seeking shelter in mere heroism without offering any feasible solution to problems carries a big price. It is important not only for those who base their policies on nationalism but also for everyone who loves this country to lend an ear to the scream of this silent majority because there is no fault line that can withstand a third shock here. Otherwise, the resulting earthquake will be a great one, with the aftershocks being alienation giving way to the militarism and racism of marginalized groups.

Tomorrow: Conservatives.