Oct. 1 is the beginning of the new season of politics. Everyone is waiting for the mobilization of what has been collected all this time. President Abdullah Gül is expected to deliver a long speech during the opening ceremony of Parliament. Having started the steps for settling the Kurdish issue, the president has not made any remarks about the issue for a long time. The long speech he will deliver in Parliament is very likely to contain an important message about the most important agenda item for Turkey. The meetings of the parliamentary groups of political parties slated for Tuesday are critical. Political party leaders will open the new season with the speeches they will deliver during these meetings. As one may expect, the Kurdish issue will be the main agenda item of these speeches.Turkey has kicked off an initiative in order to solve the ethnic problem that claimed or laid waste to 25 years. This initiative's emphasis on democratization implies that peaceful methods and reconciliation are regarded as the sole remedy. The president's statement that “good things will happen” was a sign of this initiative. The press conference the interior minister held three months ago to provide information about the method to be followed served as its starting point. This first phase, in which sides of the issue have tested each other and hot debates have been waged, will be replaced with the new phase where more concrete proposals will be made and a road map for settlement will be shaped starting on Oct. 1. If we categorize the settlement into the starting phase, the maturation and concrete steps phase and finally, the conclusion phase, we are on the verge of the second and most critical phase. It is high time to give serious thought to the question, “What will happen now?”
Two opposite poles of the initiative
There are no two poles in this phase. Instead of two opposite poles, there is a wide spectrum of different opinions and concerns. Yet, it is possible to define this wide spectrum of biases, fears and intricate calculations based on the attitudes of two extremes. The Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) is located at one end of the spectrum while the Turkish General Staff represents the other. These two extremes understand each other surprisingly well and use the same language.
Statements the chief of general staff made during his visit to Mardin during Eid al-Fitr (Ramazan Bayramı) show that the military supports the initiative. Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan tends to define the initiative as the “state's initiative” with explicit reference to the military, which is in harmony with Chief of General Staff Gen. İlker Başbuğ's words. The military lends support to the initiative, but they tend to view it as a remedy that will put an end to terrorism. The concerns that the military has been voicing for some time imply that they have finally understood that terrorism cannot be eliminated through military methods. Instead, they have now come to agree that politics, i.e., the art of convincing, should step in. Since their purpose is to end the PKK terrorism, the limits of the initiatives are defined by this purpose. All of the rights to be granted to Kurds, including their right to use their mother tongue, will serve this purpose. But, this approach means to undermine the initiative.
At the other end of the spectrum, PKK acts reflect what is naturally expected from illegal organizations. It sees the initiative as a plan to purge itself and therefore, adopts a cautious approach to it. According to the PKK, the purpose of the initiative is to wind itself up. The attacks it recently undertook in order to remind people of its past atrocities are indicative of this fear. The fact that the PKK does not mention amnesty, which is regarded as an indispensable ingredient of the settlement, is another organizational reflex. This is because any word of pardon will weaken the resistance of the organization's militants. Therefore, the PKK should be expected to show resistance to this process and try to undermine it.
The democratic initiative will put an end to the domination of weapons for the last 25 years. This implies that those who resort to weapons will lose their power. Even though they may appear to lend support to the settlement, the armed forces may make moves to stop the process at any moment.
Unlike the armed forces, political parties, even the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP), which voices the harshest opposition to the initiative, will necessarily make a contribution to the process. The political mission that the MHP represents indicates the limits of the solution that will be developed by the people. Of course, these limits may change. But a political side that voices the unacceptable points serves to make the picture clearer.
The political debates have created possibilities for expressing long-repressed ideas and opinions. Now everything can be voiced and discussed. The free atmosphere where everything can be discussed also allows the sides to realize the difference between dreams and reality. Those who were dreaming of establishing an independent Kurdish state are now facing the realities. Those who adopt a hostile attitude toward Kurds have the opportunity to get to know the human demands of Kurds more closely.
All these debates center on the notion of a nation-state. Turkey is supposed to take its place as a nation-state within the existing nation-state system that is valid on a global scale. If the political demands of Kurds serve to weaken the nation-state, this weakness will eventually affect the Kurdish citizens of this state. For this reason, there must be reasonable limits to these demands. These reasonable limits can be described by redefining the "nation" of the state with the consensus of the entire country. The nation-state should be rebuilt upon a new definition of the nation that is freed from its ethnic references and that relies on the notion of citizenship. The delicate language of politics is obliged to assume the responsibility for this process of rebuilding.
The settlement of the Kurdish issue is possible only by upping the ante of democratic standards, not by finding solutions to the individual problems of Kurds. If the standards of democracy and the rule of law are raised so as to provide an assurance of the rights of the people with different ethnic origins, then the Kurdish issue will automatically be resolved, with the added benefit of securing the rights of other ethnic groups. The government's insistence on calling this initiative a "democracy initiative" is key to mobilizing extensive participation and support.
Optimism rules
The first phase gives one sufficient reasons for adopting optimistic expectations about the second phase. Until now, the constructive language of politics has been given a special place in the process. The freedom to discuss everything has made sure that fanciful and absurd dreams can be tested and abandoned. Except for the Republican People's Party (CHP) and the MHP, no institutional force or nongovernmental organization is against the initiative. Naturally, we should wait for the voters of these two parties to exert pressure on their respective party managements for their eventual transformation.
The content of the initiative can be predicted by everyone, particularly taking into consideration the universal standards enjoyed by ethnic groups around the world. The tricky part was to be able to get rid of fears or concerns while adopting these standards. This could be done through the progress made until now. In this context, psychological moods should improve and mutual trust should be refreshed and bold steps should be taken for a new start.
We will see more debates and tension. But this is not important as things are now on the right track. At least, all sides have realized what Turkey will earn with the settlement. After witnessing how violence has exhausted itself over the last 25 years, no one will allow hopes to be obscured once again.
Quite good progress has been made. Now the whole of society has become part of the initiative. We have many reasons for being optimistic.