‘End of an era’

The latest scandal, which returned to Turkey after some months of uncertainty in the form of a genuine document (revealing a plot to destabilize the fragile democratic order), signed by a certain colonel still on active duty, who is still “untouched,” has without a doubt fueled the engines of the forces for change to “normalize” civilian-military relations. In such times, suppressed ideas are finally listened to, though their validity has long been known. Much more importantly, voices which are kept silent start to come out. So unexpected and powerful a force is social and political change that it sweeps all in its favor.

There is no doubt the document signed by Col. Dursun Çiçek existed and, moreover, that additional documents together with a letter sent by an anonymous officer or officers has been a clear warning to start the “cleaning up of the house,” to hold accountable those responsible, and that there is more to follow. A two-day interview in the Taraf daily by our hardworking colleague Neşe Düzel with Faik Tarımcıoğlu, a former military prosecutor and judge and an ex-Motherland Party (then-ANAP, now ANAVATAN) deputy in the ‘80s, makes for chilling reading. Regarded as a “political black box,” Tarımcıoğlu, who was “in the center of things” since the infamous military coup of 1980, had kept silent. The interview tells of a demonic anti-democratic machinery that was kept functional throughout the decades to engineer politics in Turkey. Some of his points, in quotes and under subheadings are:

‘The plan of action’: “Such a plan can only be prepared under the orders of the deputy chief of general staff. It involves 30-50 people. It is then presented to the chief of general staff. The document is a reaction to the July 22 elections, a trauma for them [the military]. It has already been implemented in part. Just check headlines and TV commentaries. The plan, sadly, has involved the media. It does not matter if the top commander changes, the game goes on. There is no way that the current top commander does not know about the document...”

The ‘dark’ ‘90’s: “1993 was a black spot in history. There were many assassinations, including that of [renowned journalist] Uğur Mumcu. Some short time later, [President Turgut] Özal died under mysterious circumstances. Thereafter, Gen. Eşref Bitlis, a gendarmerie commander, was slain. Shortly after that, 33 soldiers were executed in Bingöl. Thirty-seven people were burned to death in Sivas. Three days later, 33 people were killed in Başbağlar. All this was staged to prepare for a coup. A peaceful solution to the Kurdish question was prevented. After Özal’s death, things returned to ‘normal’...”

Feb. 28, 1997 ‘soft coup’: “This was a pinpoint operation targeting [then-Prime Minister Necmettin] Erbakan. Those who liquidated Erbakan also targeted the mayor of İstanbul at the time [Recep Tayyip Erdoğan]. The deputy top commander [Gen. Çevik Bir] gave orders to a two-star general, a legal adviser, to pass the message to a high court prosecutor to ‘order’ the local prosecutor of Diyarbakır’s State Security Court [DGM] to charge Erdoğan over a poem. When I looked at the verdict, I thought it was a scandal. I went to the high court and told them that they were preparing Erdoğan for the post of prime minister through this unfair, unjust verdict. ‘In five years, who cares what is what?’ he responded.”

April 27, 2007 ‘e-memo’ (by top command): “This memo was prepared at an office in Ankara. First a draft was written on April 14 and given to Yaşar Büyükanıt, then the top commander, who voiced threats that day at a press conference. The real draft came after. The team consisted of [former top commander] İsmail Hakkı Karadayı, [former Land Forces Commander] Aytaç Yalman and another ‘very high-ranking’ person -- the president at the time. The goal was to have Demirel re-elected because the Constitutional Court was ‘under siege.’ This is what I know through my contacts...”