There are four key elements in the document: 1) Activities to undermine the Justice and Development Party (AK Party) on the grounds that it seeks a regime based on religious principles. 2) Interfering in the Ergenekon case; spreading the impression that arrested retired and active duty military officers are innocent; spreading news that they were jailed for fighting against terrorism and reactionaryism. 3) The importance of propaganda projects by the media, which is considered a top ally, as well as matters that should be covered by the news. 4) Provocations and conspiracies against the Fethullah Gülen movement. Having some names described as “elements in waiting” carry out reactionary activities and then blaming the Gülen community for it; calling in to live radio and television programs pretending to be a member of the community and agitating the public by making statements such as “anyone that messes with us is a supporter of Ergenekon; no one has the strength to beat us”; placing weapons in certain student homes along with documents, papers and objects related to Judaism, the CIA, Mossad, the Unification Church and Khomeini, informing the police and having these homes raided by the gendarmerie; also planting documents and information that incite Alevi hostility; conducting raids on ışık evleri (student residences) within the scope of a military crime, declaring the existence of a “pro-Fethullah armed terror organization” and enabling the military judiciary to intervene.Forget mentioning how they betrayed democracy, could we say these junta members, regardless of their titles and positions, who made such plans even had a conscience or sense of justice? The Turkish Armed Forces (TSK) is the nation’s army. What are these plans all about? A mentality that has been dealing a blow to democracy every 10 years since May 27, 1960 has virtually entered the genetic codes of some military officers.
It passes on from generation to generation. They train, protect and support each other within the army, and they have absolutely no tolerance for accepting democracy. The generals in the TSK are weakening their own institutions. They reckon that the unlawfulness and recklessness transpiring in front of the entire nation is unimportant. “The truth is whatever we say it is. We are above everything. We do not give account; we call on others to give account,” they say. Junta supporters put the Chief of General Staff Gen. İlker Başbuğ in the most difficult spot. During a press conference organized on April 29, Başbuğ confidently said: “As the Turkish Armed Forces, we respect democracy, the democratic regime and the state of law, and we are committed to it. Therefore, no one who deviates from the current democratic regime will find a place for himself in the TSK, and I say this very openly: We will not tolerate it. That is out of the question.”
This is the word of a commander. People want to believe in his word. But how is it possible for a document that betrays democracy to be prepared on the same floor as his office? Former Chief of General Staff Gen. Yaşar Büyükanıt had admitted that he personally wrote the e-memorandum aiming to interfere in the presidential elections. How is that document a commitment to democracy and the state of law?
There is something going wrong for the TSK. There is a confidence problem occurring between the army and the nation. Neither the TSK, democracy nor the republic, which is celebrating its 86th anniversary today, can carry this burden. The original copy of the document has turned into a giant snowball and is falling down from the mountain. It is getting bigger and will eventually turn into an avalanche. Many people will be left underneath it. All eyes are on Başbuğ. Will he show the courage to open the way for a democratic Turkey that has been freed from coup planners by surrendering the members of the junta to the law?
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