But there is one danger ahead: ethnocracy.The past always saw Kurds versus the state, the establishment versus the state, undemocratic forces versus legitimate Kurdish politics and so on. But we never saw Kurds versus Turks.
As I see it, it is still not Kurds against Turks, but some think this way and others try to present it as such.
Celebrations that broke out following the return of a group of 34 Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) members to Turkey and the language of most news broadcasts and articles about this pitted Kurds against Turks.
This jubilation brought about a feeling of “defeat” for Turks -- or more precisely, to “Turks” -- since they read these exaggerated ceremonies as Kurds -- or more precisely, “Kurds” -- celebrating a victory.
As far as I can see from Diyarbakır, there are several layers to the incident.
Although it is true that the PKK wanted to turn these celebrations into a show of victory, this was not the sole reason behind holding them.
The celebrations were not as crowded as Nevruz celebrations, for example. Most Diyarbakır residents chose to stay away. In fact, even before Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, opposition parties and the media criticized the event, Diyarbakır itself voiced concern over the jubilation.
Did anyone see Diyarbakır Mayor Osman Baydemir, the voice of common sense in Diyarbakır, at the celebrations? Baydemir has previously said what he hates most is the sound of guns being fired. His personal hero is none other than Mahatma Gandhi.
The second layer of the incident involved some participants who were there to celebrate the possibility of a normal life, one free of guns and violence.
There is a scary reality in Diyarbakır, however. The youth make up a large part of the society. They are children of extraordinary conditions. They do not have many hopes for the future. They are not educated. Although it may not look that way, these youths also have no values. And they are not under the control of even the PKK. They were an important slice of the crowd that came out to celebrate.
While in Diyarbakır, I met an old lady who participated in the celebrations. She told me her money was stolen while she stood in the crowd. And why did she come out in the first place? She hoped to learn something, nay anything, about her daughter, who joined the PKK eight years ago.
I must digress a bit. I found it very heartbreaking to see so many mothers standing on the side of the road to ask of the group if any of them had seen their children. Furthermore, the returnees may be released by Turkish authorities, but they have yet to be released by “Kurdish politics.” Their families have been told that their loved ones will not return home for at least a week because they have to discuss what to do from now on. Lastly, if the government is serious about the democratization process, it must urgently implement psychological and social rehabilitation programs not only for returnees but also for possible returnees and their relatives as well as the region in general.
The celebrations have also more clearly shown the various ideas emanating from within the pro-Kurdish Democratic Society Party (DTP). DTP leader Ahmet Türk, in a speech he delivered at the ceremony, said the DTP’s struggle is not to create heroes but to find a solution. What more could he say?
The DTP is not alone in having multiple ideas. Kurdish society is not homogenous. For example, insisting on rights involving freedom to speak and use one’s native language does not make all Kurds supporters of the DTP or the PKK. There are even some groups that have far-reaching demands that are totally against the PKK and the DTP. There are also Kurds who support the Justice and Development Party (AK Party).
But the problem lies in that the PKK and part of the DTP are heard far more loudly than any other voice because both make overtures with guns.
Not surprisingly, there is no single Kurdish public opinion -- just as there is no single Turkish public opinion. There are only two sides: One side is a block that wants violence and bloodshed; it is against any solution. The other side is home to many groups, both Turkish and Kurdish. They come in many colors and have many suggestions for a solution. As the process progresses, this side will gain strength.