The prime minister and the minister of foreign affairs are frequently traveling abroad, visiting Iraq, Syria, Pakistan, the US and several EU countries. Naturally, this mobility is also true for all developed or developing countries: Leaders of regional and global powers spend a lot of time in airplanes nowadays.Not only the government's preferences but also the current state of global events helped Turkey abandon its classical foreign policy based on keeping its distance from the “East,” being at odds with the “North” and maintaining a superficial cooperation with the “West.” Yet Turkey has to deal with a long list of problems concerning Iraq, Iran, Syria and Israel when Ankara looks towards the Middle East. Turkey has to take into consideration the problems in the Caucasus when pursuing its diplomatic relations with that region. The debate about the EU and its future is also of great interest to Turkey. Willingly or unwillingly, Turkey stands at the crossroads of the dynamics of these three essential regions. And because of many cultural, historical, economic and, of course, political reasons it cannot avoid intervening in these regions' affairs.
Because of these regions' particularities and Ankara's intention to face every problem without timidity, Turkey has to adopt a sufficiently extroverted attitude. But having an outgoing disposition is not beneficial in all circumstances. As an example, every peace initiative also bears the risk of dragging all parties into conflict if things don't work as expected. But these kinds of engagements necessitate close and intensive contact with the system's great powers, and this is exactly what Turkey is looking for. Everybody knows that Turkey is not the one who can resolve complicated regional issues singlehandedly, but Ankara's assistance is quite valuable for the main players of the international system, which needs such assistance in order to preserve the system's stability.
However, some analysts in Turkey who are never satisfied by modest roles think that Ankara is attempting to play a leading role at the global level. For them, Turkey's main motivation derives from an imperialistic instinct; thus it's quite normal for them to think that Turkish decision-makers are trying to resuscitate the Ottoman Empire. Some of these analysts, who are nostalgic about the imperial good old times and who want to show the whole world once again the Turks' might approve of this choice. They have a drive that we can label "post-neoimperialist," based sometimes on ethnic nationalism, sometimes on religious pride and sometimes on pure militarism. Others, who are convinced that the actual government is following such a “neo-Ottomanist” path, oppose it. As they believe this is a frivolous choice, they criticize the government's every diplomatic step and opening. We must reaffirm that these are often the same people who qualify Turkish-EU relations as a process of Turkey's manipulation by the EU.
In today's global conditions, Turkey can't manage to stay out of diplomatic developments in the surrounding region, but it hasn't got the power to administer its region, either. Turkey can't play the role of Russia or the US. However, how can one deny that Turkey plays a crucial role in keeping the balance in a dangerous region, influencing the developments in a wider geography? This influence helps Turkey establish constructive relations with its counterparts, which may bring, in the long term, significant economic and political benefits for Turkey. But there is no rush.