He stood opposed to my explanation that this initiative is a plan prepared by Turkish experts and orchestrated in Ankara, not in Washington. His “evidence” was rather surprising to me. He reminded me of one of my articles that was published in 2005 and said: “In that article, you quote a former CIA official. What he was suggesting at the time has appeared as the government's Kurdish initiative today.” Well, in fact I quoted a former CIA official in that article and what he was suggesting indeed seems to be debated as part of the Kurdish initiative; however, I do not think that the government is listening to what CIA officials are saying. I still firmly believe that the Kurdish initiative was made in Turkey but that the Kurdish question cannot be solved without seeking help from the US, the European Union and the Kurds living in northern Iraq.
To stop the conspiracy theories from circulating in a whispered campaign, I felt I should once again bring the article in question to your attention in the hopes of not only stopping conspiracy theories but also to help us rethink the Kurdish initiative from the perspective I outlined in 2005.
Here is an excerpt of the article that is being distributed as “evidence” to support meaningless conspiracy theories these days.
“Turkey's international efforts to end the [Kurdistan Workers' Party] PKK are not enough alone to solve the Kurdish question. Turkish officials should prepare themselves for the aftermath of the PKK. Yet, neither the [Justice and Development Party] AK Party government nor the security establishment appears to be ready to deal with this case. They pretend as if they were ready to deal with the issue. What is even worse, the Turkish and Kurdish communities are being forced into a possible confrontation, and the boundaries between the two communities are becoming increasingly more visible than ever.
“The question now is: What steps should the government take to overcome this issue? When asked this question, a retired CIA official who worked extensively in Turkey in the past and is still actively involved with Turkish issues in the US framed the question in the following way:
“‘The problem to be solved right now is methodology rather than substance. Clearly the government must propose a formula that is generous enough to the Kurds to undercut the appeal of the PKK and yet does not go so far as to alienate its voting constituency. I think we're a long way from the point where it would be feasible to make such a comprehensive gesture. A lot of ground has to be prepared in advance. Nor is it clear what such a formula ought to include. Time is needed to determine what might work and prepare public opinion to accept it.
“‘The right timing for such a proposal might well be after the next general election, when [Recep Tayyip] Erdoğan and his friends will, I presume, have a fresh popular mandate. In the meantime, extensive meetings with Turkish and Kurdish civic leaders, particularly on the local level, and visits to affected communities might be useful in identifying the parameters of an acceptable solution and preparing public opinion to accept it. In keeping with your very sharp observation that DEHAP/PKK are attempting to communicate with a European audience, consulting European social scientists might be a very effective ploy'.”
Many Turks as well as nationalist Kurds will be skeptical about these suggestions, but it is worth paying attention to them. Along with the reorganization of the security bureaucracy in the region, civic initiatives, which should have no ties whatsoever to the PKK, are the best possible option for a negotiated solution since they will underline the communication between the two communities that has been broken for some time.
Creating an environment of dialogue in a non-politically engaged and more relaxed place such as Kızılcahamam or any other place far away from media attention and organizing three separate groups of representatives of academia (this could be extended to the international level), civic leaders and intellectuals of various ideological backgrounds could be the best way to start. Such an initiative could reinvigorate hope and provide a new perspective for the government to contemplate the best possible policies to implement toward the solution of the problem.
In the region itself, because of the long-standing conflict and great losses in security, safety, money, people, etc., people are desperately longing for a solution. Nonetheless, a significant number of Kurds, especially those who suffered from terrorism directly, are skeptical about state officials. Therefore, state-run initiatives may not receive a warm welcome. For this reason, empowering local leaders to work out a solution to the problem may ease tensions and reinstate trust between the two communities.
Structure of security agencies
The biggest obstacle to such an initiative, nevertheless, is the security culture of the state security agencies and the way these organizations have been structured during the last three decades. As a result of the protracted conflict, the security agencies, and especially the military, have internalized a culture which was codified based on suspicion toward people in the region. This in turn sparked a reaction among the local society; as a result, they are hesitant in their attitudes toward the security bureaucracy, if not hateful.
In addition, among the state bureaucracy, security officials are the only true outsiders in the region. The rest of the local bureaucrats and government officers are mainly from the same region. Thus, the security personnel feel more alienated than other parts of the state apparatus in the region, which in turn feeds an exclusivist cult culture and the elevation of nationalist/Turkified feelings and reactions within the security agencies. For instance, many of the security agencies put nationalist songs on their phone lines to pass the time while the caller is on hold, and this may easily be perceived as an agitating element by locals.
Henceforth, the government should take this issue seriously and set up intensive training programs for civil and security personnel to inform them about the peculiarities of the region. In these programs, psychologists, sociologists, social scientists and experts from related fields should train officers from every angle of the social phenomenon to erode the remnants of martial law-era attitudes.
In addition, during the period of martial law in the last two decades, security units enjoyed free reign in the region, which was most visibly observed when it came to issues related to limiting human rights or being accountable for their actions. These attitudes still prevail among the staff of the security units, and they continue to claim their “rights” to fight against terrorism. One should nonetheless admit that despite its being ill equipped, receiving unsatisfactory support from the government as well as the media and getting limited reinforcement from its own directorate, the police in the region are capable of adapting to new rules and regulations more than any other security agency. Thus the police in the region should have a more active role in the transition of society.
Moreover, massive migration to the cities in the last few decades has changed the dynamics of security policies. Whereas before the 1990s the PKK preferred mountains and rural areas, nowadays the cities have become centers of the organization's massive demonstrations. Nevertheless, the Turkish security establishment has failed to reorganize itself in response to this transformation. Military units are still active in the cities -- and sometimes override police operations. But the fact that the military officers were not trained for this type of terrorism raises serious questions as to their ability to cope with this new challenge. In order to overcome the new type of terrorism, authorities should back the police up to strengthen their position in the cities while the military lessens its presence. Recent successful police operations in western cities are indicative of the fact that the police are capable of fighting effectively in southeastern cities as well.
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