“Turkish membership of the EU would be hugely beneficial economically and politically to Europe. Turkey's economic potential with a young and dynamic workforce could help power Europe's economy. Politically, Turkish membership would give Europe far greater clout not only in its neighborhood but outside the region. I believe that the issue is a defining one for Europe's future. If we were to reject Turkey at the end of negotiations in which every test had been met, we could write off being taken seriously as a significant global force.“…The EU and some of its members may seem from the Turkish perspective to be hypocritical, prejudiced, confused, and inured. Turkey should avoid behaving in a similar way. I hope that Turkey will give its friends in Europe the arguments to help them win the battle for support in Europe. Continuing with reform will help out flank opponents, and that would also be good for Turkey.”
In a lucid and powerful analysis, the ICT, led by Martti Ahtisaari and joined by Emma Bonino, Hans van den Broek, Anthony Giddens, Michel Rocard, Marcelino Oreja Aguirre and Albert Rohan, share the wisdom of Lord Patten.
To reach similar conclusions does absolutely not mean that you are “friends of Turkey” -- a label that I find old fashioned and misleading. It is sufficient that one is familiar with the reasoning, social currents and dynamics that force change.
The commission defines the current state of relations between Turkey and the EU as a “vicious circle.” More than half of the negotiating chapters are blocked, some European leaders obstinately used anti-Turkish membership stands as a tool for selfish purposes and, as Patten had eloquently stated at Brookings: “…we allowed a divided Cyprus to become a member of the EU on the understanding that the Greek Cypriots would negotiate an agreement to end division with their Turkish neighbors under UN auspices. Once in the EU, the Greek Cypriot government in effect resiled from the deal, even preventing an EU commissioner from coming to the island to explain its advantages. It is to me unthinkable that an issue of the importance of Turkish membership can be put in bulk by behavior like this.”
Furthermore, the ICT underlines “internal political difficulties” that targeted the Justice and Development Party (AKP), which “found itself under serious pressure from emboldened Turkish Euro-skeptics who, partly under the guise of defending secular principles against a supposed advance of Islamism, attempted to delay the implementation of political and social reforms needed for EU membership.” Consequently, the lack of reform encouraged European opposition to Turkish accession, while it has caused a considerable demoralization inside Turkey for the process.
A description I agree with, with one exception: What is described, in an apparent understatement, as “Turkish Euro-skeptics” should be understood as a “composite group of undemocratic circles,” parts of which are now under judicial scrutiny under the name of Ergenekon. The critique against the ruling AKP for slowing down with reforms, although mostly justified, should be therefore revised and looked at with nuanced consideration to the undemocratic threat.
However, now that there seems to be new preparations for a leap on various fronts -- the Armenian rapprochement, the road map for a large Kurdish reform and an urgent revision of the inefficient and biased judicial system -- there is work to be done. Because the issue of accession reaches beyond the borders drawn by Lord Patten, one may argue that “it is a defining one for the world's future,” considering the elements of inter-religious relations and the spread of democracy to areas where it is either problematic or nonexistent.
Therefore, attention must be paid to the conclusions of the ICT: Turkey must launch a broad-based reform process and European governments must honor their commitments. The alternative of “privileged partnership” has no value and must be buried for good. Greece and Turkey must work fully to bring talks on Cyprus to a successful end. The EU must understand clearly that Turkey's full integration into Europe will make it an asset for solving problems in the Middle East and Southern Caucasus and boost stability. Turkey, on its side, must accelerate efforts on a new constitution, a functioning ombudsman, respect for cultural liberties, full freedom for religious organizations and wider free speech.
None of these points are new. What is new is a “refreshed spirit” in Turkey that, as this critical year comes to an end, promises at least a return to the mood displayed in 2002-04. Let us see whether the management -- currently chaired by the Swedes -- of the new attempts will increase hopes and will be able to wake “sleepers” up to reality.
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