Is Çiçek, who was released in less than a day, a very important person? Yes, he is. He is the head of the 3rd Support Branch Directorate in the General Staff Operations Department. This unit was formerly known as the Psychological Warfare Department. In other words, it is the unit from which the Feb. 28 process was directed and at which memorandums were prepared. The name of the department has changed, but its functions and effectiveness remain the same.
Let us recall that the public first learned about Çiçek after the Taraf daily printed the “Information Support Action Plan” titled “Lahika-1” on June 20, 2008. According to this plan, commentators would be influenced, the Kurdish region would be disturbed with weapons, some artists and writers would be supported and a new constitutional package would be labeled as running contrary to national interests.
Many people ranging from President Abdullah Gül to Rahmi Koç, the Sabancı family and the Eczacıbaşı family and from Can Paker to Oktay Ekşi were categorized in the document. Can these kinds of actions be easily swallowed? Can people who have sworn to protect the state and the country be involved in the blacked-out conspiracy plan against democracy? Then Chief of General Staff Gen. Yaşar Büyükanıt said the controversial document was not prepared in the General Staff.
Now the current chief of general staff, Gen. İlker Başbuğ, is saying the same thing. Referring to the document titled the “Action Plan to fight Against Reactionaryism” as a “piece of paper,” Başbuğ said it had not been prepared inside the General Staff. So then where and by whom was it prepared? Were earlier memorandums released during the Feb. 28 process also fictitious? Was everything just a dream? Why was the former president of the Human Rights Association (İHD), Akın Birdal, shot? Why were famous journalists Cengiz Çandar, Mehmet Barlas and Mehmet Ali Birand fired from their newspapers?
For some reason there is something odd about the events in which Çiçek's name is implicated. The way the armed forces are trying to protect and defend him is jeopardizing the public's trust in the institution. Certainly, exposing a successful officer isn't the first thought that comes to mind and that's understandable. But the real concern is the likelihood that this officer did not engage in these activities by himself. Considering that the place he works at is the General Staff, suspicions that his superiors may be involved bothers the public opinion's conscience. A more troubling suspicion is that these activities happen in spite of Başbuğ. According to the Star Daily, prosecutors heading the Ergenekon case also asked Çiçek questions about Ergenekon's new plan to eliminate the Justice and Development Party (AK Party) by 2011 because Çiçek's signature allegedly appears in three secret plans, including the “action plan.”
That means there are other documents which Başbuğ accepts exist. It is believed that the three unexposed documents allegedly prepared by Çiçek were made in line with the Ergenekon structure's new aim of trying to eliminate the AK Party by 2011.
In the second Ergenekon indictment, prosecutors noted that former Chief of General Staff Gen. Hilmi Özkök prevented a coup attempt by now retired Gen. Şener Eruygur but highlighted that there are still pro-coup military personnel that are trying to organize within the military. Çiçek's arrest is being perceived as the first operation against Ergenekon's reserve members. That means the state still has a strong will to remove illegal formations from its institutions. Thus, Çiçek's release should not give hope to Ergenekon supporters. There is finally a will -- especially in the government, which properly understands Turkey and the world. I said this yesterday and I am saying it again today: The law has hit the tutelage regime in such a way that one should not be fooled into thinking that it is fine and healthy. The tutelage regime is losing strength.
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