But for Turkish military coups to become relics of the past, there must be further amendments both in laws and the Constitution. Among those laws whose change is critical is Article 35 of the Internal Service Law, passed after the 1960 coup, which gives the Turkish Armed Forces (TSK), as opposed to a civilian political authority, the duty of protecting and watching over the Turkish homeland and the Republic of Turkey as defined by the Constitution. This gives the TSK the authority to carry out coups in the event it perceives the secular order of the country as facing a threat. Such a law does not exist anywhere else in the world.
The fact that the changes made in a law curbing the power of military courts were initiated by the ruling Justice and Development Party (AK Party) and that both main opposition Republican People's Party (CHP) as well as the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) opposition raised their objections afterwards to the changes on the grounds that they were made quickly and without deliberation in the relevant parliamentary commissions points to difficulties ahead for Turkey in implementing military reforms.
Developments over the past several years concerning civil-military relations have, meanwhile, shown the difficulties the military has been facing in adapting itself to the rapid changes taking place in the world as well as in Turkey, where pluralism and the rule of law, as opposed to anachronistic systems, are in demand.
The release of a late night e-memo by the Turkish General Staff on April 27, 2007, accelerated the military's decline in credibility, as 47 percent of the electorate brought the ruling AK Party to power for a second time later the same year. The July 2007 elections were a notice to the military that Turkish citizens, though respectful of their armed forces, were displeased with the military's heavy involvement in politics.
The leaks of memos, prepared by the TSK over the past several years with the aim of discrediting segments of society simply because they were critical of the military's involvement in politics, and the perception that it sees some portions of society as enemies have further ruined the TSK's reputation in society.
The Taraf daily's latest leak of an action plan allegedly prepared by the TSK and outlining a road map to finish off the ruling AK Party has finally prompted the political authority to take concrete action to curb the military's destabilizing role in society.
The latest amendment to the Code on Criminal Procedure (CMK), which paves the way for the trial of military personnel in civilian courts, was the right decision for the AK Party to make, though it might be returned to Parliament by President Abdullah Gül for a second review for adjustments required to be made in the Constitution.
However, changes in this law marked the political authority's renewed resolve for reforms on the road towards democracy while making it possible for a colonel, on the order of a civilian court in İstanbul, to be arrested in the early hours on Tuesday over charges of being a member of the Ergenekon organization, which is accused of masterminding armed unrest to unseat the government. Col. Dursun Çiçek's signature appears on the action plan that Chief of General Staff Gen. İlker Başbuğ said military prosecutors concluded was a forgery while he described the plan as a piece of paper during a press conference late last week.
But Çiçek's arrest, along with the government's persistent pursuit of the action plan case, marks the serious divide between the military and the political authority. It also marks an open challenge by the political authority to the TSK's ongoing efforts to undermine AK Party rule.
Developments taking place around the action plan and the arrest of Çiçek also underline the serious cracks occurring within the TSK among those opposing the military's continuous meddling in politics and those supporting a military role in politics despite the heavy price that not only the TSK but also the country as a whole is paying.
The TSK's involvement in politics hinders its professionalism.