This strong contradiction needs to be understood because people who gave the go ahead for the politicization of the case now point to the AK Party and say: “You are politicizing the case. You are doing it to get rid of your opponents. You are targeting the guardians of the republic.”This is the nature of psychological warfare; everything is legit. The biggest war in our times is psychological war. On battlefronts, opponents come face to face, so each side knows who the opponent is. Strategies and tactics are known and determined in advance. But psychological warfare is not like that. Opponents are invisible. In fact, if you don't have strong intelligence, you don't know a majority of your opponents. Many times they are right beside you, trying to undermine your power, but you think they are working to serve democracy. You sense the presence of an invisible octopus' arms in the different layers of the state and society and wonder, “Who is controlling this octopus's brain?” But no one can make a list of the names involved.
Italian prosecutor Felice Casson, who headed the Gladio case, had said: “Gladio was not the only illegal underground organization in Italy. There was also the Avanguardia Nazionale [National Vanguard], the P2 Masonic Lodge and many other networks which worked in parallel with Gladio. Gladio was not a supreme organization that controlled all of them. It was only one of them. There is an entity above them that manages all of them. But people in the organizations who are toward the bottom know nothing about it. They have no idea about the high-level connections.
“What is important is to properly understand the targets. What does Ergenekon want? What is the purpose? Gladio was only a part of a greater whole… I am convinced that economic and financial powers are more important than political ones.
“I saw the power at the top controlling everything. Towards the end of the investigation, I received a letter. It said: ‘You have come to the door of power. If you try to enter through that door, we do not know what may happen.' Even if we could see something, this would only represent part of the whole. This power is much greater. I pushed that door ajar and saw what was inside. But I did not have time to go to the end. There was a power behind that door. But you cannot see the people who individually represent it.”
That is why I say we need to closely follow the assaults of the psychological war within the Ergenekon case on politics, the media and the bureaucracy. Allow me to refer to two news stories from the recent past.
First, why did a power that also includes former President Süleyman Demirel bring Hüsamettin Cindoruk to the head of the Democrat Party (DP)? After uniting with the Motherland Party (ANAVATAN), will the new chairman be a deputy still aligned with the Republican People's Party (CHP)? And did Abdüllatif Şener set up his own party to win votes or to create further opposition to the AK Party?
Second, why did the Hürriyet daily -- which once described the Council of State attack, which was later merged with the Ergenekon case upon a court decision, as “Turkey's September 11” -- run the headline “Take back my medal” last Sunday?
Lawyer Serdar Öztürk, arrested for alleged membership in the Ergenekon organization, is a former military officer who was awarded the State Commendation Medal by the president for engaging in combat with Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) terrorists in 1994, in which he suffered injuries, including the loss of his left eye. Now he wants to return his medal. The Hürriyet daily twisted the headline in such a way to suggest that “even hero veteran soldiers are being arrested.”
Is there a more effective way than this to dilute the Ergenekon case, distort its purpose and put it under pressure?
Three days ago, our dear prime minister said, “We will never allow the Ergenekon case to end up like the Susurluk case.” Anyone who supports democracy must realize this political will, its value and importance. Turkey is treading a very dangerous and sharp line.
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