With it, anger is back; confusion is back. But when will common sense be back? After decades of negligence, ignorance, provocation and injustice, the Kurdish problem is yet again going through a new phase, spilling over to the streets of Turkish cities. The events of the last few weeks are scary, to say the least, because they have the potential to start a new wave of conflict between Turkey’s Turkish and Kurdish citizens.
For years we in Turkey took pride in the fact that despite PKK terrorism, Turks and Kurds have remained brothers and sisters, friends and relatives. They have not let themselves be lured and manipulated by the political ideology of Kurdish separatism or ethnic nationalism and racism. That is still true. There is still much social capital that unites Turks and Kurds in Turkey.
Yet the trend is dangerous. As we get closer to the March 2009 local elections, the PKK will use its most deadly weapon: identity politics. This means provoking the sentiments of ordinary citizens and forcing the government and the military to take tough action in Kurdish-populated areas. This, in turn, will lead to more tension and reactions in Kurdish cities. This means a more fertile ground for recruitment, more of an arsenal for ideological battles, more reason for actual killing.
In recent years Turkish officials have become more straightforward in separating PKK terrorism from the Kurdish issue. At least in theory they claim to cater to both problems with different measures. While fighting terrorism means the use of armed forces, finding a solution to the Kurdish problem calls for a much broader perspective and entails bolder moves on the part of policymakers.
While this is encouraging we are far from distinguishing the two issues clearly. Despite what civilian and military officials say, there is still no clear distinction made between the issues of terrorism and the Kurdish problem. This is evidenced by the fact that while Turkey has spent billions of dollars on fighting the militants in the mountains and across the borders, close to nothing has been invested to address the political, economic and social concerns of the Kurds. If Turkey had spent only one-tenth of its military expenditure to alleviate poverty, unemployment, political isolation and cultural stigmatization in the Kurdish areas, we would have been dealing with a very different phenomenon today.
For decades, the Turkish state refused to accept that there is such a thing as the Kurdish problem. The Kurdish issue was seen as mainly a result of four problems: 1) It is a matter of underdevelopment (Solution: Invest more in the Southeast). 2) It is a matter of tribal culture (Solution: Destroy tribal relations and replace them with individuals loyal not to sheikhs but to the state). 3) It is a matter of religious fundamentalism (Solution: Secularize all Kurds). 4) It is a matter of foreign interference and manipulation (Solution: Deal with foreign states to stop meddling in our internal affairs).
None of these solutions have worked because they all have been based on false diagnoses.
The current rise in PKK attacks is not going to make things easier to find a solution to the Kurdish problem. This is the fear of many -- and there is some truth to it. But the reality is that one is closer to a solution in such dangerous times. The sense of urgency with which one has to deal with the Kurdish problem should provide a context for serious soul-searching, self-questioning and criticism. Without an honest reckoning, Turkey will continue to be embroiled in a costly and detrimental conflict.
The Recep Tayyip Erdoğan government, together with the help of President Abdullah Gül, who is extremely popular among Kurds, should turn the current crisis into an opportunity and mobilize all of its resources to start a process of normalization vis-à-vis the Kurdish issue. The process must start within the national borders of Turkey and extend to northern Iraq on the one hand, and Europe on the other.
But before taking any steps, the Turkish officials must make sure they mean business and make a distinction between terrorism and the Kurdish issue.
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