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KERİM BALCI k.balci@todayszaman.com Columnists

Centralism of Jerusalem


The Palestinian presidential elections portrayed the image of a return of Israeli-Palestinian relations to the days "full of hope," after the Oslo Accords. When this article was being written, the elections had not been completed yet, however, while on one side, the Palestinians tried hard to open a new chapter by silently accepting the elections, whose "winner was a foregone conclusion," the Israelis on the other side, also exerted efforts by allowing Palestinians living in East Jerusalem to vote.

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While the Palestinian people chose democracy, as [Mahmoud] Abbas, whose presidency has now become certain puts it, Israel also accepted that the Palestinian Autonomous Administration has authority over the inhabitants of East Jerusalem.

However, Palestinians living in East Jerusalem, who voted in the Palestinian Autonomous Administration elections in 1995, had in a way turned Shimon Peres, who gave permission for the elections to be held, into traitor. Benjamin Nethanyahu won the elections the following year with slogan, "Peres will split Jerusalem." One of the figures who objected to the participation of East Jerusalem Arabs in the elections, that was held in Palestine and in Israel that day, is current Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon. Apparently, the issue was [the late President Yasser] Arafat.

Finding a formula that would not change the current status of East Jerusalem was not easy in the elections held on Sunday. Any attitude that would have implied the Palestinians being the "geographic authority" in Jerusalem, which is full of the symbols of both parties in the conflict, was diligently avoided. Israel demanded that East Jerusalem Arabs participate in the elections with the status of "Palestinians living abroad." Hence, the ballot boxes in East Jerusalem were used as mail boxes. In order to symbolize that meaning, the ballot boxes did not have holes at the top, but at the side, just like mail boxes. Israel also did not allow the ballot boxes to be opened within the borders of Jerusalem. It demanded that the ballot boxes, which that were being transported by vehicles belonging to the Israeli Postal Authority and private firms, be taken outside the city and be opened and counted in territories under the control of the Palestinian Autonomous Administration. The truth of the matter is that the Palestinian administration had no opportunity to resist that "interim formula." A better formula could not be formulated even during the periods when the administration was more powerful and East Jerusalem Arabs had powerful representatives like Faisal Husseini. Israel had rejected the counting of Arabs living in East Jerusalem during the recent population census and the Palestinian administration could not insist on other alternatives like "census via post or telephone.".

The only authority Israel acknowledges that the Palestian administration has over the inhabitants of East Jerusalem, is the acceptance of the Arabs "as dual citizens living in Israel," and this became evident during the polls. Prolonging that might be good or bad, depending on how relations unfold. If Israel pushes East Jerusalem Arabs into the status of "people originally citizens of another country living in a foreign land," and the Palestinian administration accepts this, it would mean that Palestinian aspirations over East Jerusalem should be forgotten immediately. But, if Israel accepts the aspirations of the Palestinian administration over its citizens living in East Jerusalem and acknowledges the administration's authority over their religious, social and political needs and their claim to public buildings, and institutionalizes them, which already have been prolonged enough, this would be a good thing, even though it would not mean geographic sovereignty. Then, this would mean that the parties have reached the point at which Ehud Barak and Arafat abandoned the table during the Taba negotiations. Whether or not the Abbas administration will embark upon a struggle against organizations such as Hamas, Islamic Jihad and Al-Aqsa Martyrs Brigades, immediately after the elections, will determine the course of action Israel will follow. This will also be another proof as to whether or not there is a return of Israeli-Palestinian relations to the era following the signing of the Oslo Accords.

Whatever the Abbas administration does, Israel has shown from these elections that Jerusalem will play a determining and central role in future relations. The Turkish Foreign Ministry that will be launching a Mideast diplomatic initiative should see this reality and crown the above-mentioned initiative by seeking a solution for the future of Jerusalem.

January 10, 2005

LONDON

11 January 2005, Tuesday
KERİM BALCI
   
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Other Articles of the Columnist

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  We will Join the EU with Kurds
  LONDON- What does Turkey Want?
  Surprising Developments after Arafat
  Palestinian Presidential Elections
  News Analysis -- Post-Arafat Palestine
  USA Elections and Our Vote
  The Spirit of Europe and Us
  We, at the Gates of the EU
  Writing the Unwritable
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  What if Al-Aqsa is Bombed!
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Columnists
ABDULHAMİT BİLİCİ
ABDULLAH BOZKURT
ALİ BULAÇ
ALİ H. ASLAN
AMANDA PAUL
ANDREW FINKEL
ASIM ERDİLEK
AYŞE KARABAT
BEJAN MATUR
BERİL DEDEOĞLU
BERK ÇEKTİR
BÜLENT KENEŞ
BÜLENT KORUCU
CHARLOTTE MCPHERSON
DOĞU ERGİL
EKREM DUMANLI
EMRE USLU
ETYEN MAHÇUPYAN
FATMA DİŞLİ ZIBAK
FİKRET ERTAN
GÜRKAN ZENGİN
HASAN KANBOLAT
HÜSEYİN GÜLERCE
İBRAHİM KALIN
İBRAHİM ÖZTÜRK
İHSAN DAĞI
İHSAN YILMAZ
KATHY HAMILTON
KERİM BALCI
KLAUS JURGENS
LALE KEMAL
MEHMET KAMIŞ
MICHAEL KUSER
MUHAMMED ÇETİN
MÜMTAZER TÜRKÖNE
NICOLE POPE
ÖMER TAŞPINAR
ORHAN KEMAL CENGİZ
PAT YALE
ŞAHİN ALPAY
SELÇUK GÜLTAŞLI
SUAT KINIKLIOĞLU
YAVUZ BAYDAR