About us | Advertising | Contact | Get Home Delivery | Archive
Mar 18, 2010 Homepage
News
Business
Interviews
Columnists
Op-Ed
Arts & Culture
Expat Zone
Features
Travel
Leisure
Life
Cartoons
Women
Health Briefs
Weird But True
Sports
Turkish Press Review
Today's think tanks
Turkey in Foreign Press

Columnists
BÜLENT KENEŞ b.kenes@todayszaman.com Columnists

An attempt to understand the Iran issue


When I sat down to write this article, Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad had not yet arrived in İstanbul. Diplomatic efforts exerted by the 5+1 group to coax Iran into abandoning its drive to develop nuclear weapons have all proven unsuccessful, which does not leave much room for hope that Turkey's initiative will bring a miraculous solution to the issue.

Today's interactive toolbox
Bookmark and Share
Video Photo Audio
Send to print Send to my friend
Post your comments
Read comments
Nevertheless, we can still nurture some hope that the good relations Iran and Turkey have historically maintained and their recent rising trend may have positive effects on the nuclear agenda.

Naturally, Turkey is concerned with any development that may lead to escalating tension in the already problematic and slippery Middle East. It sees Iran's search for nuclear weapon capability and reactions to that from this perspective. Of course, the international concerns over Iran's nuclear efforts can be justified to some extent. Yet I see merit in engaging in something that is never employed in diplomacy and international relations; i.e., empathy. Everyone is well informed about the discourse and arguments made by the Western world, of which we see ourselves as a part, concerning Iran. I believe that it would prove beneficial if we put ourselves in Iran's shoes as one of the most influential countries in the Middle East with a view to analyzing how it sees the nuclear issue.

Iran is known to have a stance toward regional and international issues, summarized as the ABC stance, where A stands for "activism," B for "bridge" and C for "cooperation."

Iran's need for security, just like all other countries, requires it to be proactive in foreign policy -- particularly in its troubled region. Indeed, for Iran, the term "Middle East" refers to a larger geography than the West tends to include as being part of it. Iran's Middle East is a region stretching from Central Asia to the Indian subcontinent. It may sound unbelievable to some ears, but Iran prefers to define itself more as a "soft power" than a "hard power," despite its nuclear aims. Iran says that it is no longer pursuing the policy of exporting its Islamic revolution to other countries as it did in the 1980s and that is does not approve of the policy of military intervention with international issues. Defining itself as a "regional power," Iran claims that all of its activism in the international arena is "peaceful."

Not a Central Asian country although it borders the region, not a Caucasian country although it borders that region, not a Mediterranean country although it borders one, not a Gulf country although it borders it and not on the subcontinent although it borders it, Iran tries to play the role of a "bridge" between all these regions. One can conclude that from a historical, cultural, religious or geographical perspective, it would not be easy for Iran to secure its national security in such a region, particularly when the characteristics of its regime are taken into consideration.

For this reason, regional and international cooperation is more important for Iran than for other countries. Iran prefers to establish close relations not only within its immediate geography but also with international organizations, and Iranian diplomacy is actively promoting the country's involvement with the Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC), the United Nations, the Developing 8 (D-8), the Economic Cooperation Organization (ECO) and the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM). For this reason, Iranians see it as unfair to reduce Iran, which has such a complex web of relations, and its foreign policy to just the nuclear agenda.

While they concede that Iran is suffering considerably from its bad image, they stress that Iran does not deserve this image as it is a not a new player in the region. They are of the opinion that if there will be a regional peace and security plan, it must take Iran's security needs into consideration, too. While some treat Iran as a threat to regional peace, Iranians regard Israel's military destructive power, built as a war machine, as a threat to their security. Indeed, these mutual perceptions of the Iranians and the Israelis are the essence of the problem in the region.

Israel sees the Iranian regime as its archenemy in the region, claiming that Iran's main policy is the "total destruction of Israel" and that this policy dates back to a time before the Ahmadinejad administration. Israel and Western countries believe that Iran will not be satisfied with becoming a "regional power," but that it also seeks to become a "global power." To reach this goal, they say, Iran wants to emerge as a nuclear power. The West is deeply concerned with the assumption that after developing nuclear weapons technology, Iran will seek to become the leader of the Islamic world, which has a population of over 1.3 billion. The support Iran gives to some "terrorist organizations" further fuels these fears. An Iran that is completely against Western democracy and lifestyles and is very ambitious to possess weapons of mass destruction is also a source of further concern due to its possession of long-range missile systems (the Shahab missiles have a range of 5,000 kilometers) that can even hit Western European countries like Belgium and the Netherlands. They argue that Iran has a bigger and more dangerous goal than just to destroy Israel.

Israel, whose security is known to be the primary priority in US policy, does not hide its intention and resolution to prevent Iran from owning nuclear weapons at all costs. However, Israel is still concerned that the direct destruction option, which it sees as the last resort, may become the only resort after the failure of diplomatic efforts. For this reason, Israel seems to be more willing than any other country to see diplomatic efforts prove productive.

Unfortunately, the realm of international relations corresponds to a field dominated not by ethical rules but by double standards and hypocritical stances. Everyone is well aware of the fact that the nuclear-free Middle East initiative voiced persistently by Iran and supported by Turkey in the past has received the biggest blow from the already existing nuclear weapon capabilities of Israel, which refuses to even be a party to the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT). This fact continues to serve as clear proof that the campaign to deter Iran from becoming a nuclear power is a double standard despite the fact that a non-nuclear Iran is far more preferable to all of us.

15 August 2008, Friday
BÜLENT KENEŞ
   
Articles of Today
Turkey and the SIPRI report
LALE KEMAL
Five questions for Mr. Başbuğ
HÜSEYİN GÜLERCE
Constructive ambiguity and destructive obscurity
KERİM BALCI
Will Turkey ever walk alone?
ANDREW FINKEL
Islam, democracy and Turkey
İBRAHİM KALIN
Wanted: democratic opposition in Turkey
MUHAMMED ÇETİN
Spring fever
PAT YALE
A direct intervention in the judiciary
FATMA DİŞLİ ZIBAK

Other Articles of the Columnist

  An attempt to understand the Iran issue
  Possible consequences of the Georgian-Russian conflict
  First round of power struggle in Georgia won by Russia
  The ‘third way’ or the ‘Turkish option’
  What do Obama and McCain promise for global citizens?
  The court’s decision and the duty of the AK Party
  Ergenekon’s Turkey and fake patriots
  The heinous attack at the most critical juncture
  Lack of intellectual intelligentsia as Turkey’s main problem
  Ergenekon mentality
  Language of the squares
  Turkey’s dark past and Ergenekon
  Is the government gearing up?
  Critical day
  Slow-motion coup against Turkish democracy
  Turkey plays, Germany wins
  Gülen’s ideas address entire world
  Now democrats raising their voices
  Power of being right
  General elections and new constitution the sole solution
Columnists
ABDULHAMİT BİLİCİ
ABDULLAH BOZKURT
ALİ BULAÇ
ALİ H. ASLAN
AMANDA PAUL
ANDREW FINKEL
ASIM ERDİLEK
AYŞE KARABAT
BEJAN MATUR
BERİL DEDEOĞLU
BERK ÇEKTİR
BÜLENT KENEŞ
BÜLENT KORUCU
CHARLOTTE MCPHERSON
DOĞU ERGİL
EKREM DUMANLI
EMRE USLU
ETYEN MAHÇUPYAN
FATMA DİŞLİ ZIBAK
FİKRET ERTAN
GÜRKAN ZENGİN
HASAN KANBOLAT
HÜSEYİN GÜLERCE
İBRAHİM KALIN
İBRAHİM ÖZTÜRK
İHSAN DAĞI
İHSAN YILMAZ
KATHY HAMILTON
KERİM BALCI
KLAUS JURGENS
LALE KEMAL
MEHMET KAMIŞ
MICHAEL KUSER
MUHAMMED ÇETİN
MÜMTAZER TÜRKÖNE
NICOLE POPE
ÖMER TAŞPINAR
ORHAN KEMAL CENGİZ
PAT YALE
ŞAHİN ALPAY
SELÇUK GÜLTAŞLI
SUAT KINIKLIOĞLU
YAVUZ BAYDAR