Some university circles and the main opposition Republican People's Party (CHP) directed criticism at Gül over the appointments on the grounds that some of the rectors he appointed were not the ones who received the highest number of votes at their universities. According to the Constitution, the president has the right to appoint one of the three candidates submitted to him by the Higher Education Board (YÖK). However, the president's choice of rectors has always been a subject of debate, failing to satisfy some circles while pleasing others. Radikal's Hasan Celal Güzel complains that some newspapers tried to present the rector appointments, which were made perfectly in line with the Constitution, as having turned into a crisis. He accuses them of manipulating the reasons behind the resignations of several university lecturers, depicting it as a revolt in the universities. "This is not a crisis, this is just manipulation," he writes. Referring to the relevant articles in the Constitution, he explains that the president has the right to appoint one of the three candidates nominated by YÖK as a university rector. "Just as YÖK does not have to nominate the first three of the candidates who run for the position at a university, the president does not have to pick the candidate at the top of the list submitted to him. Otherwise, it would be meaningless to submit a list of six candidates to YÖK and a list of three candidates to the president," Güzel remarks. He recalls how those who criticize Gül's appointments remained silent when former President Ahmet Necdet Sezer acted the same way during his term.
Bugün daily's Gülay Göktürk talks about how Turkish universities played a significant role in the polarization of society after the process leading up to the "postmodern coup" of Feb. 28, 1997. "Instead of taking action to analyze the social, political, cultural and economic dynamics of the great change Turkey was undergoing, they took a position on the furthest edge of the polarization, they became the most fanatic side," Göktürk argues. She says the universities have become so embedded in this polarization that they side with all anti-democratic projects, ranging from supporting coups to promoting fears about the weakening of secularism. "Universities' politicization made an intervention by politicians inevitable. What Gül did was exactly aimed at dealing with the excessive politicization of the universities. By not appointing some of them, he took a stance against rectors who have become highly politicized," Göktürk says.
Milliyet's Fikret Bila writes that subject of discussion should be neither Sezer's appointments nor those of Gül, but the appointment system itself. "The method by which rectors are appointed is problematic. Universities recommend six candidates to YÖK, YÖK removes three of the candidates from the list and submits a list of three candidates to the president. Both YÖK and the president base their decisions on legal grounds. They have the authority to eliminate the candidates they want. However, by acting this way, they cause universities, which should be both democratic and independent, to come under political tutelage. It is essential for science to be free from political tutelage. Universities should have an autonomous system. Academic independence requires independence of university management, while independence of academic research requires financial autonomy. Unfortunately, our universities lack both of these," Bila explains.
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