But more importantly, it was a move to secure the votes of white and blue-collar workers. For the first time since its founding in 1923, the CHP felt compelled to look for a voter base in Turkish society, and identified workers as a major front of support. The CHP convention over the weekend, during which Deniz Baykal was re-elected party leader with an absolute majority, carried very little resonance with that spirit. That spirit of social democracy and pro-labor politics took a new turn with Bülent Ecevit. Ecevit took over the CHP in 1972 after İnönü's 33-year rule during which the CHP suffered one loss after another in national and local elections. Ecevit developed the concept of "democratic left," thus distinguishing himself and the party from the more radical wings of the socialist and communist trends of the 1970s. The CHP won the 1973 elections but the following years were ridden with political and economic crisis. Neither Ecevit nor Süleyman Demirel, the leader of the Justice Party (AP), was able to hold the country together. Political bickering, economic downfall, inflation and unemployment, street fighting, ideological polarization and social mistrust led to the 1980 military coup.Despite these turbulent years and a military coup, the CHP remained left of the center of Turkish politics and became a major voice for the genuine concerns of workers, low-income families and anyone who sought social justice for all. Even when the CHP and later the Democratic Left Party (DSP), founded by Ecevit, lost in elections, they remained a source of hope and an effective opposition. None of these characteristics can be seen in the CHP today.
The current CHP leadership seems to be happy with the small yet comfortable position they have in the Turkish political spectrum. The CHP does not claim to live up to the standards of a social democrat, let alone leftist party. Labor, justice, equal distribution of wealth, environment, political participation, in-party democracy … none of these figure into the current CHP political discourse. Instead, you have a very narrow and dogmatic interpretation of Kemalism and laicism. In all issues of freedom versus security, the CHP is to be found on security's side. And it is security for the state, not for the people.
The CHP's political dogmatism is another paradox. The core philosophical values of the CHP's political ideology are based on the Enlightenment, reason, science and the questioning of all dogmas. While the CHP accuses others of being irrational, dogmatic, religious, conservative, etc., it prisons itself within high walls of true beliefs and unquestionable premises. Keeping up with the age is not a political virtue in the CHP manual. Reading the trends and improving itself is seen as betraying its fundamental ideology. The result is an ideological block, not a political party.
That is why the CHP spends so little time on real political issues. The convention over the last weekend confirms this state of mind. Conventions are important milestones in the life of political parties. They are venues for discussing broad party issues, its position on key issues, its new vision, etc. All observers concur that there was nothing new in the CHP convention. Baykal's re-election was no surprise and as a result it did not create any excitement.
A strong social democrat and left opposition is essential for Turkish democracy. It is also important for the ruling Justice and Development Party (AK Party) to feel under pressure to pursue politics conducive to compromise. Social justice issues are the grounds of a real political opposition and they can be effective in limiting the excesses of single party rule. The CHP and other opposition parties miss this point. Instead, the CHP corners itself in a kind of ideological opposition that resonates very little with ordinary people, including workers. As you read these lines, Turkey will waste another labor day (May 1) on irrational identity politics.
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