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İBRAHİM KALIN i.kalin@todayszaman.com Columnists

Goal of judicial coup PM Erdoğan, not AK Party


If there is one golden rule for understanding Turkish politics, it is this: You can never take anything for granted in Turkey. A case filed against the ruling Justice and Development Party (AK Party) has come as a shock to many Turks as well as international observers.

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The case represents the last stage of the militant nature of Turkish secularism. But it also heralds the beginning of a new period for both the AK Party and Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan.

First things first: How serious is the case? According to legal experts: very. The Constitutional Court has the authority to close down the AK Party, as it did other political parties before. However, the main target is not the AK Party but Prime Minister Erdoğan. Why? Everyone knows that without Erdoğan’s leadership, the AK Party will mean very little on the Turkish political scene. AK Party supporters and others may vote for it for another term and mostly out of anger and frustration with the case. But that is it. There does not seem to be an alternative leadership that will carry the AK Party forward in case of Erdoğan’s banishment from politics. In this sense, the list of 71 names cited in the case file was made up to target one person only: Erdoğan himself.

This may sound too pessimistic, but remember what happened to Turgut Özal’s Motherland Party (ANAP). After landslide victories at the ballot box and huge strides made in the economy, social services and foreign policy, ANAP begun to decline as fast as it rose. After Özal left ANAP’s driving seat and became president, ANAP was in disarray. After his death in 1993, there was nothing left of ANAP. As of today, ANAP is practically non-existent in Turkish politics.

The case filed by the Supreme Court of Appeals chief prosecutor has nothing to do with law or the constitutional principles of the Turkish state. The accusations are ludicrous. Here is a sampling of statements the prosecutor considers to be violations of the principle of secularism: “In Turkey, where the 99 percent of the population is Muslim, religion is a cement (uniting different groups)” (p. 29), “A democratic country should provide religious freedom … the headscarf ban is not in tune with liberal (principles)” (p. 34), “We want to solve the headscarf issue through a consensus with other political parties” (p. 35), “We aim to end all cases of discrimination by creating a general consensus on civil liberties” (p. 45), “My biggest wish is a country where girls wearing a headscarf and those without a headscarf would walk hand in hand” (p. 48), “Devout people, too, have a right to engage in politics in this country” (p. 52), “It is a sad that our young female students are barred from education just because of their headscarf” (p. 74), “(on whether the headscarf is mandated by Islam or not) The authority that can give a final decision is the High Council for Religious Matters of the Directorate of Religious Affairs” (p. 83), “The headscarf ban is against human rights” (p. 91), “Devout Turks who want to engage in modern life are discriminated against” (p. 91), “… Turkey has become the co-sponsor of the Greater Middle East project which promotes the ideology of ‘moderate Islam’” (p. 117).

This is just a sampling of the accusations or reasons for the alleged violation of the principles of secularism. With those and other statements, any party, including the secularist Republican People’s Party (CHP) can be closed down. It was the CHP more than any other party that engaged in a debate about the religious foundations of the headscarf. CHP leader Deniz Baykal said in numerous speeches that the headscarf was not mandated by Islam, thereby making a religious argument. Is this not a violation of secularism as understood by the prosecutor?

Why is the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) not there with the AK Party? If the constitutional amendments to lift the headscarf ban are the main cause for the case, why is the MHP also not being sued? The proposal for amendments was first put forward by the MHP and later supported by them. Should we expect a separate case against the MHP as well?

The case reveals the extent to which the judiciary in Turkey has become an ideological block. But everyone with a sense of the rule of law and justice will have to fight this eclipse of reason with law, reason and patience. The AK Party should immediately prepare a new constitutional change about the closure of political parties in Turkey. If the MHP does not support it, which is unlikely given recent statements by MHP leader Devlet Bahçeli, the government can take it to a referendum. This is probably the best solution because a referendum will allow the people to have a say in deciding who will win this battle: the supporters of a judicial coup or the representatives of the people.

20 March 2008, Thursday
İBRAHİM KALIN
   
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Other Articles of the Columnist

  Goal of judicial coup PM Erdoğan, not AK Party
  Getting closer to a solution
  Iraq, violence and the triumph of modernity
  Talking about religion in Turkey
  A hierarchy of freedoms
  Letter from Obama
  Roles shifting in the headscarf debate
  Owning modernity in the Turkish public space
  Is freedom a threat to Turkey?
  Will the Alevi initiative share the destiny of the Kurdish initiative?
  Gül’s visit heralds a new phase in US-Turkish relations
  Turkey’s confidence consolidated in 2007
  Differences are too important to ignore
  A new chapter in Turkish higher education
  The headscarf and secular democracy
  Turkey’s new identities
  How to lose the war on terrorism
  The Middle East peace process comes to Ankara
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Columnists
ABDULHAMİT BİLİCİ
ABDULLAH BOZKURT
ALİ BULAÇ
ALİ H. ASLAN
AMANDA PAUL
ANDREW FINKEL
ASIM ERDİLEK
AYŞE KARABAT
BEJAN MATUR
BERİL DEDEOĞLU
BERK ÇEKTİR
BÜLENT KENEŞ
BÜLENT KORUCU
CHARLOTTE MCPHERSON
DOĞU ERGİL
EKREM DUMANLI
EMRE USLU
ETYEN MAHÇUPYAN
FATMA DİŞLİ ZIBAK
FİKRET ERTAN
GÜRKAN ZENGİN
HASAN KANBOLAT
HÜSEYİN GÜLERCE
İBRAHİM KALIN
İBRAHİM ÖZTÜRK
İHSAN DAĞI
İHSAN YILMAZ
KATHY HAMILTON
KERİM BALCI
KLAUS JURGENS
LALE KEMAL
MEHMET KAMIŞ
MICHAEL KUSER
MUHAMMED ÇETİN
MÜMTAZER TÜRKÖNE
NICOLE POPE
ÖMER TAŞPINAR
ORHAN KEMAL CENGİZ
PAT YALE
ŞAHİN ALPAY
SELÇUK GÜLTAŞLI
SUAT KINIKLIOĞLU
YAVUZ BAYDAR