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İBRAHİM KALIN i.kalin@todayszaman.com Columnists

The headscarf and secular democracy


A recent survey claims that the number of women covering their heads in Turkey has increased “fourfold” over the last four years.

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While some interpret this as a natural result of Turkey’s democratization, others see it as a dangerous development for Turkish secularism. The choice of the words “fourfold increase” and “over the last four years” is no accident -- they imply that this is the Justice and Development Party’s (AK Party) fault. Turkey has been debating the headscarf issue for over two decades now. Just like the Kurdish issue, one has to ask, where are we now? What have we learned? After two decades of oppression and discrimination, thousands of girls being forced to take off their headscarves or leave school, thousands of families put through terrible times and choices and hundreds of young girls fleeing to other countries in pursuit of education, we are still discussing whether girls should be allowed to wear a headscarf in schools.  The headscarf is a real litmus test for democracy in Turkey. The state oppression and indoctrination that masquerades under the guise of a secular democracy is simply a facade to discriminate against the more religious and conservative segments of Turkish society. A secular state by definition is supposed to respect and protect the individual choices of its citizens, not to indoctrinate them in a particular way.

Those who claim to reject the headscarf in the name of secular democracy fail to see that they cannot protect democracy by enforcing a crude form of secularism and a particular ideology. A secular state means a neutral state ideology. The AK Party government cannot enforce a policy of Turkish women wearing the headscarf. By the same token, those who claim to speak in the name of the Turkish state cannot tell citizens that they cannot wear certain types of dress because they violate some supposed principles of secularism. When it comes to discussing real issues like the headscarf or the Kurdish issue, the state elite reacts with fear and suspicion rather than using their reason and trusting the people. This goes back to the founding ideology of the republic when it was established on the ruins of the Ottoman Empire. This was a time when reason was eclipsed and there was almost no one who could be trusted -- but times have changed. What the recent survey refers to as a fourfold increase in the number of women wearing the headscarf is not so much an increase in numbers as in visibility. As Turkey becomes more democratic and transparent, women wearing the headscarf are also becoming more visible and active in different areas of life. Two decades ago, you wouldn’t have seen them in places like the Galeria mall, movie theaters, five-star resorts, VIP salons, universities, etc. As they have more access to modern means of expressing themselves, women with the headscarf are “going out” more often. Those who defend women’s rights, including feminists and Kemalists, should celebrate the fact that more Turkish women are becoming part of Turkey’s social and economic life.

Those who see religion as putting women behind closed doors and keeping them in backwards conditions are in a terrible dilemma. Now the same religion is putting the same women out in public and urging them to be active and productive (and of course with their headscarf) and this is called the rise of religious conservatism and even fundamentalism. Some put the cart before the horse claiming women choose to wear the headscarf and that the scarf itself gives women the ability to engage in society, as they don’t want to wear a silk headscarf and then sit at home. Turkey has to face two of its primal fears -- religion and ethnicity. The failed policies of Turkish nationalism cost Turkey almost three decades of war, terrorism, ethnic tensions, over 35,000 dead, thousands of wounded and billions of dollars. Now even the retired generals admit they have made mistakes in dealing with the Kurdish issue in the 1980s and 90s. Assuming an ideological identity for the state and writing off everything else, including the Kurds, was a fatal mistake for which everyone was forced to pay the price.

The discussion about religion in general and the headscarf issue in particular suffers from a similar mindset wherein the state cannot distinguish between fantasy and a real threat. Continuing the ban on headscarf will not make the issue go away, it will only deepen the gap between the state and citizens. Turkish democracy will be stronger when all of its citizens, whether religious or secular, Turkish or Kurdish, man or woman, rich or poor, rural or urban, embrace its core values and participate in its institutions. Pushing women with the headscarf outside of public life is no way to move Turkish democracy forward.

06 December 2007, Thursday
İBRAHİM KALIN
   
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Other Articles of the Columnist

  The headscarf and secular democracy
  Turkey’s new identities
  How to lose the war on terrorism
  The Middle East peace process comes to Ankara
  Turkey’s resolve and wrong expectations
  Turkey's war on terror could be an opportunity for the Kurdish problem
  Referendum and terrorism
  A historic call and the pope may miss it
  Andalusia and recovering the spirit of ‘convivencia’
  Islamophobia, ‘block thinking’ and the limits of multiculturalism
  A new form of racism: Islamophobia
  What to do with the American power?
  Is Sept. 11 still a turning point?
  A new chapter in Turkish-EU relations?
  Gül’s challenge
  Cyprus and the Alliance of Civilizations
  Gül’s presidency and the CHP’s thirst for crisis
  Maliki’s visit: Much ado about nothing?
  Is 47 pct too low? Then look to the Baathists
  The Turkish periphery is the big winner
Columnists
ABDULHAMİT BİLİCİ
ABDULLAH BOZKURT
ALİ BULAÇ
ALİ H. ASLAN
AMANDA PAUL
ANDREW FINKEL
ASIM ERDİLEK
AYŞE KARABAT
BEJAN MATUR
BERİL DEDEOĞLU
BERK ÇEKTİR
BÜLENT KENEŞ
BÜLENT KORUCU
CHARLOTTE MCPHERSON
DOĞU ERGİL
EKREM DUMANLI
EMRE USLU
ETYEN MAHÇUPYAN
FATMA DİŞLİ ZIBAK
FİKRET ERTAN
GÜRKAN ZENGİN
HASAN KANBOLAT
HÜSEYİN GÜLERCE
İBRAHİM KALIN
İBRAHİM ÖZTÜRK
İHSAN DAĞI
İHSAN YILMAZ
KATHY HAMILTON
KERİM BALCI
KLAUS JURGENS
LALE KEMAL
MEHMET KAMIŞ
MICHAEL KUSER
MUHAMMED ÇETİN
MÜMTAZER TÜRKÖNE
NICOLE POPE
ÖMER TAŞPINAR
ORHAN KEMAL CENGİZ
PAT YALE
ŞAHİN ALPAY
SELÇUK GÜLTAŞLI
SUAT KINIKLIOĞLU
YAVUZ BAYDAR