In order to support his claim, Erdoğan holds up Iraq as an example: "They have always wanted to sideline Turkey. Have they been able to solve this problem? No, they haven't, and they never will. If we had acted as a mediator, this problem would have been solved in a very short time. But they are not willing to approach such a solution. Why? Because they are not sincere. We have lost 30,000 of our people to terrorism. We will not back down." (Zaman, Oct. 26, 2007) What should we understand from these words? The prime minister is making two clear statements. First, if someone is going to make changes in the Middle East, this cannot be done without Turkey. Second, Turkey is determined in its fight against terrorism, which has claimed the lives of 30,000 of our citizens. The relation of these two subjects is a topic worth dwelling on. The question that should keep minds busy is this: What, in reality, is disturbing Turkey in this situation? Is it the terrorism to which it has lost 30,000 citizens, or is it the changes that are currently taking place in Iraq and the Middle East in general without Turkish consent or consultation.
In order to provide an answer to this question, we need to go back in time a little. At the beginning of this year, Abdullah Gül, the then-foreign minister, at a meeting held in Washington titled "Turkish Politics at a Crossroads," said: "We governed that region for centuries. We have natural ties to it. At the same time, we recognize the realities of the day. Iraq belongs to the Iraqis. When we gave up Mosul in 1926, we gave it to a single Iraq. We want to see a single Iraq before us." (Yeni Şafak, Feb. 9, 2007)
The place where Gül delivered his speech and the title of his speech were important, just like Prime Minister Erdoğan's speech. In both speeches a "deep concern" is expressed, and they also emphasized the same theme.
The matter is quite clear: The US came into the region as an occupying force without getting the opinions or consent of Turkey or other countries in the region. As we always say, it has behaved like a bull in a china shop. It makes adjustments however it pleases, divides Iraq into pieces, gives autonomy to certain parts -- perhaps intending to give them independence later-- and it bases all its plans and programs on its own interests and those of Israel. The US has not deviated a bit from this course. It is so set in its ways in Iraq that it has even given out signals that it wouldn't hesitate to jeopardize ties with its friend and ally of 50 years, Turkey, to maintain the status quo. For example, the day Gül delivered the speech in question, Daniel Fried, the US assistant secretary of state for European and Eurasian affairs, openly stated: "I understand perfectly the Turkish frustration with the PKK bases and camps in northern Iraq. This is understandable. But the responsibility for the outcomes of such an operation is something Turkey needs to think about." If we understand Fried's words as a threat we won't have exaggerated the issue.
The issue of PKK terrorism is, quite obviously, a serious one. But we must not ignore the fact that there are other dynamics at play here. Almost all the countries in the region, although they don't openly say anything -- with the exception of Iran, which openly speaks out against the United States in the highest pitch - have been seriously troubled by the operations and policies of the United States in the region since the beginning of its occupation of Iraq in 2003 -- or even since 1991, when America started the first Gulf War. We can clearly add Egypt and Saudi Arabia to the list of concerned countries. Turkey, which has been in alliance with the Western world since the 1950s and which has made intense efforts to maintain its friendship and ties to the US, is trying to express its discomfort using "a more open and understandable language." A question may arise as to whether Turkey is obliged to use this form of expression or is trying to derive some benefit from it. However, Turkey has already chosen its direction, and this question is important only secondarily now.
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