About us | Advertising | Contact | Get Home Delivery | Archive
Mar 20, 2010 Homepage
News
Business
Interviews
Columnists
Op-Ed
Arts & Culture
Expat Zone
Features
Travel
Leisure
Life
Cartoons
Women
Health Briefs
Weird But True
Sports
Turkish Press Review
Today's think tanks
Turkey in Foreign Press

Columnists
ÖMER TAŞPINAR o.taspinar@todayszaman.com Columnists

Democratization in the Arab world


Is the Arab world immune to democracy? No matter what happens in the rest of the world, it seems that the Arab Middle East keeps finding ingenious ways to resist democratization. Of course, part of the problem is oil.

Today's interactive toolbox
Bookmark and Share
Video Photo Audio
Send to print Send to my friend
Post your comments
Read comments
The parameters of the “resource curse” are well-known. Energy-rich countries can get away with no taxation, and no taxation means there is also no democratic representation. As a result, the price of oil and the pace of freedom go in opposite directions. This is the first law of petropolitics, as New York Times columnist Tom Friedman has called it.

Let’s assume that petropolitics and the resource curse explain the absence of democracy in the Arab countries which are rich from oil and gas. What about the oil-poor Arab countries such as Egypt, Jordan, and Morocco? They don’t have vast energy resources of the Gulf. Yet, they manage to remain stable and authoritarian. Well, political economists have an explanation for them too. They may not have energy incomes. But they still manage to gather significant “easy income” thanks to “strategic rental value.” In other words, these Arab countries are strategically very important to the United States. They therefore receive a lot of foreign aid and cheap loans, which in turn assures autocratic longevity. Often, these countries’ strategic importance is also closely related to relations with Israel. Peace with Tel Aviv translates into serious cash from Washington. That’s the working formula for Jordan and Egypt. It is no coincidence that Egypt became the second most important recipient of American foreign aid after the Camp David Accords in 1978.  

In the case of Morocco, its strategic importance comes from its’ geographic proximity to Europe. To put it crudely, Europe wants Moroccans to stay in Morocco. Europe has enough problems with its own Arab-Muslim population, and therefore, Morocco’s economic and political stability is crucial. In the absence of such stability, massive Moroccan immigration would trouble France, Spain and Italy. But stability comes at a price, which the Europeans are willing to pay. This is why the Moroccan regime enjoys “strategic rent” as well -- just like Egypt and Jordan -- in the form of easy cash from the West.  

The result? The short answer is there is autocratic stagnation in the Arab world. Democracy remains a distant dream because of the oil in the case of the countries surrounding the Gulf, and “strategic rents” in the rest of the Arab world. Is there a way out? Yes, but it will require major changes in the way the West operates. Democratization in the oil rich Arab countries will only be possible when Western economies are no longer dependent on plentiful oil and gas. This would reduce the price of oil and make it impossible for countries such as Saudi Arabia to maintain the autocratic status quo.

What about countries such as Jordan, Egypt and Morocco? The good news is that the West has much more leverage with them. These countries, as discussed above, receive a lot of military and economic assistance. What is missing, however, are the incentives for democratic reforms. Unconditional aid is a big part of the problem. The solution is to pay serious consideration to democratization. Recipient countries should still receive aid from the West, but the aid should become contingent on democratic benchmarkers. Such a policy would require the West to pool its resources: Europe, the United States and Japan should coordinate their foreign aid policies. Currently such coordination amongst donor nations is missing. As a result, the recipient countries are able to play one donor against the other. If the EU, along with Washington and Tokyo, could co-ordinate their funding, their foreign assistance could be disbursed much more efficiently and thoughtfully.

One way to achieve this would be to pool all resources together into a new institution. A “Middle East Development Bank” could establish serious conditions for aid and lending, which should be based along the lines of a more modest version of the EU’s Copenhagen criteria. The goal should be more democratic governance and institutional reform. Such conditions for reception of aid would create serious incentives for reform. If a country is not reforming, it should simply stop receiving foreign assistance. And reforming countries should qualify for even more funds. Such a coordinated Western policy of “generous conditionality” has never before been tried in the Middle East. It is time to give it a try. That is, of course, if the West is serious about democratization.

09 April 2007, Monday
ÖMER TAŞPINAR
   
Articles of Today
All in the family
NICOLE POPE
A new closure case under way?
YAVUZ BAYDAR
Taner Akçam’s letter to the prime minister regarding the Armenian question
ORHAN KEMAL CENGİZ
How many hundreds of thousands of informants are there in Turkey?
HÜSEYİN GÜLERCE
Misled by appearance
ALİ BULAÇ
Saving face
CHARLOTTE MCPHERSON
The Armenian genocide and disgrace
ETYEN MAHÇUPYAN
Erdoğan’s unwelcome remarks
FATMA DİŞLİ ZIBAK

Other Articles of the Columnist

  Democratization in the Arab world
  Turkish laicism
  Turkish-Russian rapprochement: reality or fiction?
  Turkey’s Kemalist paradox
  The İstanbul Peace Process
  Shiite revival, Sunni backlash
  America’s costly return to realism
  ’Who lost Turkey?’ or ‘Who lost the West?’
  Washington, AK Party and Kemalism
  The banality of evil
  Lost in the Middle East
  Turkey needs multiculturalism
Columnists
ABDULHAMİT BİLİCİ
ABDULLAH BOZKURT
ALİ BULAÇ
ALİ H. ASLAN
AMANDA PAUL
ANDREW FINKEL
ASIM ERDİLEK
AYŞE KARABAT
BEJAN MATUR
BERİL DEDEOĞLU
BERK ÇEKTİR
BÜLENT KENEŞ
BÜLENT KORUCU
CHARLOTTE MCPHERSON
DOĞU ERGİL
EKREM DUMANLI
EMRE USLU
ETYEN MAHÇUPYAN
FATMA DİŞLİ ZIBAK
FİKRET ERTAN
GÜRKAN ZENGİN
HASAN KANBOLAT
HÜSEYİN GÜLERCE
İBRAHİM KALIN
İBRAHİM ÖZTÜRK
İHSAN DAĞI
İHSAN YILMAZ
KATHY HAMILTON
KERİM BALCI
KLAUS JURGENS
LALE KEMAL
MEHMET KAMIŞ
MICHAEL KUSER
MUHAMMED ÇETİN
MÜMTAZER TÜRKÖNE
NICOLE POPE
ÖMER TAŞPINAR
ORHAN KEMAL CENGİZ
PAT YALE
ŞAHİN ALPAY
SELÇUK GÜLTAŞLI
SUAT KINIKLIOĞLU
YAVUZ BAYDAR