He assumed that in a republican representative government, the majority of people would not vote to go to an aggressive war because they would know that it would be themselves who would bear the cost of waging war. Kant’s views have developed into an empirically strong hypothesis that democracies do not fight each other. This is believed to be because there are existing institutional, normative, cultural and economic restraints that compel democracies to pursue a war-avoidance policy, especially towards one another. The governments of democratic nations should be more sensitive to the cost of war, knowing that they may be punished by their own people in the following elections for to their aggressive foreign policies. This of course assumes that people are essentially peace-loving, so that their governments too would follow pacific policies. People of democracies are thought to be culturally more inclined to resolve disputes through peaceful negotiations resorting to violence as the last resort. Accommodation and negotiation prevail, and not a culture of confrontation and coercion, in decision-making processes, which are reflective of the values which are shared by those different but democratic nations for whom the use of force is a self-defensive last resort. In sum, the presence of civil and political rights -- which includes freedom of speech and press, the culture of consensus and regular elections -- are a means of holding government responsible for their performances, and free trade is another of the basic elements that make democratic governments inclined to be more pacific. Institutions, interests and identities that shape a particular kind of relationship within and between democracies create checks and balances reducing the possibility of war.
When six European nations signed the Treaty of Rome in 1957 which founded the European Union some 150 years after Kant’s “Perpetual Peace,” their basic motivation was to establish peace in Europe. After two devastating global wars in the first half of 20th century, which shattered the lives of millions in the continent, the top priority for the founders was building trust, transparency and cooperation as a prelude to peace.
Instead of conflict, the founding fathers of the EU believed in cooperation amongst the European nations. Without forgetting the specific needs and demands of their people, they sought for common interests. In time European nations were tied up each other with a common destiny. Free trade and free people in new Europe created social and economic interdependencies which turned political disputes into trivialities, and constituted unbreakable linkages, thus guaranteeing peace.
Today the EU has almost established a continental zone of peace. It is yet another demonstration of the old liberal argument that “democracies do not go to war against each other”.
Let’s reiterate; one of the reasons for Turkey’s wish to be part of the EU is to enter into this zone of peace after decades or even centuries of discomfort and insecurity in its relations with the world. Membership or even the process of membership is expected to stabilize not only Turkey’s domestic politics and economy but also its foreign and security policy. Moreover the membership process has also had a taming effect on Turkey’s regional policy. Now with a principle of “good neighborly relations” the EU compels Turkey as well as other aspiring countries to adopt a paradigm of peace in their foreign affairs. In the last couple of years the current Turkish government under the intellectual leadership of Professor Ahmet Davutoglu has formulated a policy of “zero problems with neighbors”. This was certainly designed to reduce the tension in the region surrounding Turkey, but was also informed by Turkey’s quest to join the EU. Turkish foreign policy has become more predictable, stable and peace-oriented in recent years which have increased Turkey’s standing in the region and the globe.
The 50 years of experience of the EU is a case for the proof of “democratic peace theory” in practice. Europe has gone through one of its longest periods of peace in its history, which I think is the most stunning success of the European integration. The question now is how to sustain it for another 50 years.
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