Democratization and anti-Americanism: any relation?

After its March 1 decision the Turkish government was openly accused by some US officials, including its former ambassador to Ankara Eric Edelman, of not doing enough to fight anti-Americanism in Turkey. Not only the government, but also the military, the foreign policy establishment and even the main opposition party received severe criticism from US authorities for playing a part in the recent rise of anti-Americanism in Turkey, ignoring the fact that anti-Americanism is a global phenomenon that is not unique to Turkey.

The recent wave of anti-Americanism is more moral criticism directed at US policies. While the 9/11 attacks generated world-wide sympathy for the US, the Bush administration’s subsequent securitization of the homeland policy threatened to destroy civic liberties and an aggressive and irresponsible foreign policy shattered global peace. Many in the Islamic world were rightly disturbed by the association of Islam with terrorism. For them the global “crusade” against terrorism was mistakenly yet deliberately directed against Islam and Muslims. The occupation of Iraq, the maltreatment of Iraqis by the occupying forces and the outbreak of civil and sectarian war as a result of the occupation enraged Muslims in the world, including Turks. More specifically, for Turks developments in northern Iraq -- where an independent Kurdish state protected by the US is in the making -- are worrisome.

The result has been a loss of trust in the US, in both the policy makers and the people in general, as reflected in the widespread resentment and suspicion toward the US administration. How could a government be indifferent to the opinions of its people? Should it be so? Then what is democracy for? The Turkish government is not and should not be immune to the influences of the prevailing public opinion, shaped either by historical and ideological predispositions or issues raised by specific policies. It has therefore been extremely difficult for the Turkish government to be as cooperative as the US administration demands, on many issues, given the reservations of the wider public toward the US administration. People are in overwhelming opposition to the American occupation of Iraq, do not trust the promises of the Bush administration and, furthermore, view the US as the main obstacle before peace in the Middle East.

At the official level, however, it used to be stated by both Turkish and American policy makers that Turkey was a “strategic partner” of the US. The question emerging now is whether it is possible to sustain such a “strategic” relationship while an evident anti-American sentiment prevails at the public level. Are there practical ways of reconciling an elite view of foreign policy making and a notion of the democratic accountability of governments? Turkish-American relations amid the growing anti-Americanism in Turkey constitute a perfect case, reflecting a practical predicament of a government claim to be both democratically-oriented and a friend of the US. A democratic government is expected to be responsive to public opinion. However, some believe that in a realpolitik world, such foreign policy decisions should be taken disregarding “temporary” disposition and public opinion.