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BÜLENT KENEŞ b.kenes@todayszaman.com

Can the fate of the judiciary be left to the judiciary?


The Journalists and Writers Foundation, perhaps the only civil society organization in Turkey that can bring people of differing thoughts together by addressing Turkey’s most ominous subjects with courage, continues to leave a strong impression on everyone with the events it organizes.

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While the prestigious Abant Platform, a sub-organization of the foundation, known to be close to the Gülen movement, addressed the democracy problem in Turkey with a two-day, heavily attended meeting titled “Democratization for a New Social Consensus” in Ankara, Medialog, another organization affiliated with the foundation, gathered leading journalists in Turkey and Syria at an event organized in İstanbul on Thursday and brought Justice Minister Sadullah Ergin and foreign journalists in Turkey together on Saturday.

During the approximately three-hour-long meeting, our foreign colleagues had the opportunity to direct any questions on their mind about the judiciary, which is at the center of recent debates in Turkey, to the highest official -- in other words, to Minister Ergin. According to Ergin, during the meeting, the details of which you can find in the headline story of our daily today, our foreign colleagues mainly focused on claims that the government had intentions of seizing or taking control of the judiciary by introducing judicial reform within the scope of a small constitutional package, which Parliament will handle within the next 10 days.

Providing examples from many European countries with institutions similar to the Supreme Board of Judges and Prosecutors (HSYK), which dominates the entire judicial system in Turkey, Minister Ergin noted that no other country has a system similar to that of Turkey, where members are chosen by the high judiciary in a closed election.

Noting that there is a wrong impression, namely, that Turkey’s legislative and executive branches are against the judiciary, Ergin said the reason it seemed this way is because the judiciary shows resistance to reform. As you know, 23 of 36 chapters Turkey is expected to negotiate with the EU are related to reforming the justice system. Minister Ergin explained that judicial reform was part of efforts to open some of these chapters and recalled that preparing a strategy on implementing judicial reform had begun in 2008 and that these efforts were seen as extremely “inclusive and satisfying” in the 2009 EU Progress Report. Noting that a “document of consensus” was created during a meeting held in Kızılcahaman with the participation of judges, prosecutors, representatives from bar associations and academics, Ergin said they had identified 10 basic goals and 85 principles.

He underlined that despite all of these efforts the debate has been limited to just the HSYK and said: “The objective of this document was to make the judiciary independent, to improve its impartiality, efficiency and professionalism, to facilitate access and to increase the overall sense of confidence. There was consensus over all of these issues. However, the debate over how the HSYK will be structured is continuing. As the sole institution shaping Turkey’s judiciary, the HSYK is harshly criticized in EU progress reports and Venice Commission reports, which request that it become more representative. It is said that, in its current form, it does not represent the judiciary.”

In a rebuke of the EU on this issue, Ergin said they do not understand why the EU has not approved and delivered screening reports to Turkey even though the part of the screening process concerning the Ministry of Justice was completed in 2005. He said this was as absurd as a teacher asking a student why he did not do his homework when no homework had been assigned. Underlining that the judiciary had to resist pressure from not only the legislative and executive branches but also from within the judiciary in order to be truly independent, the minister said the current system is not able to do this. To solve this problem, Ergin said they envision an HSYK comprising 21 members, with most being justices on the bench, and added that after reform, the legislative and executive branches will only appoint six or seven of the members, with the 14 remaining seats being filled by elected judges, prosecutors and bar presidents.

Noting that the HSYK and the high judiciary -- which favor the current closed and non-representative system, which allows the Council of State and Supreme Court of Appeals to select HSYK members and the HSYK to choose members of high courts such as the Council of State and Supreme Court of Appeals -- are rejecting reform by saying “Leave the judiciary to the judiciary,” Ergin said: “They are saying the legislative and executive branches should not interfere in their business. When you ask if there’s any other example of this in the world, the HSYK immediately says Turkey has ‘special’ conditions. It says, ‘Instead of us taking others as an example, let us set an example for others’.”

The justice minister also notes that those who insist on leaving the judiciary to the judiciary do not feel the same way when it comes to the executive and legislative branches. “From time to time the high judiciary in Turkey has acted like a lawmaker by overstepping its limits spelled out in the Constitution and interfered in the executive branch. So, in light of what has occurred, is the executive branch trying to seize the judiciary? No. What we are trying to do is redesign the structure of the judiciary so that it is compliant with EU criteria. There is no intention of seizing anything. In fact, under the new model, the Ministry of Justice will be the one who loses the most authority. But we are ready to transfer our powers to a new HSYK, one that will be based on a broader foundation.”

My conclusion from the lengthy meeting with Justice Minister Ergin is that the majority of problems in Turkey stem from the judiciary and that the judiciary is too vital an institution to be left to itself.

15 March 2010, Monday
BÜLENT KENEŞ
   
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Other Articles of the Columnist

  Can the fate of the judiciary be left to the judiciary?
  Who deserves criticism more: Prime minister or the media?
  The judiciary issue: Who blockades who in Turkey?
  Four headlines in a day
  Early finale: the end of 1,000 years… or is it?
  What does the Gül-Erdoğan-Başbuğ meeting imply?
  Gist of the matter of civilian-military relations
  Gen. Başbuğ must be dismissed
  The judiciary’s suicide
  Welcome, Boyner! Welcome, TÜSİAD!
  Ergenekon and the truth’s tendency to come out eventually
  You’re only as trustworthy as your transparency
  The resistance of dead souls in shriveled bodies
  So it follows that Ergenekon is no myth
  Discrimination
  It’s not the left that has died, but the politburo mentality
  Army + CHP = military intervention
  Constitutional change: all or nothing
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Columnists
ABDULHAMİT BİLİCİ
ABDULLAH BOZKURT
ALİ BULAÇ
ALİ H. ASLAN
AMANDA PAUL
ANDREW FINKEL
ASIM ERDİLEK
AYŞE KARABAT
BEJAN MATUR
BERİL DEDEOĞLU
BERK ÇEKTİR
BÜLENT KENEŞ
BÜLENT KORUCU
CHARLOTTE MCPHERSON
DOĞU ERGİL
EKREM DUMANLI
EMRE USLU
ETYEN MAHÇUPYAN
FATMA DİŞLİ ZIBAK
FİKRET ERTAN
GÜRKAN ZENGİN
HASAN KANBOLAT
HÜSEYİN GÜLERCE
İBRAHİM KALIN
İBRAHİM ÖZTÜRK
İHSAN DAĞI
İHSAN YILMAZ
KATHY HAMILTON
KERİM BALCI
KLAUS JURGENS
LALE KEMAL
MEHMET KAMIŞ
MICHAEL KUSER
MUHAMMED ÇETİN
MÜMTAZER TÜRKÖNE
NICOLE POPE
ÖMER TAŞPINAR
ORHAN KEMAL CENGİZ
PAT YALE
ŞAHİN ALPAY
SELÇUK GÜLTAŞLI
SUAT KINIKLIOĞLU
YAVUZ BAYDAR