The changes in the İstanbul branch, usually regarded as the most important provincial branch of the party, come ahead of a planned congress in February 2012 and are largely interpreted as part of an attempt on the part of Kılıçdaroğlu to rid the party of Tekin's supporters. Kılıçdaroğlu, who assumed leadership of the CHP in May after the party's former leader, Deniz Baykal, resigned following the release of a sex tape and the ensuing scandal, has, to a large extent, been able to eliminate the supporters of Baykal and Önder Sav, the party's former secretary-general, a powerful kingmaker in his time, leaving Tekin's supporters as the only possible group that might influence the decisions that will be taken at the congress.
Head of the İstanbul provincial CHP office Bahri Şahin was replaced with Oğuz Kaan Salıcı, a businessman who was once part of the December 10 movement -- comprising former left-wing politicians and led by academic Burhan Şenatalar -- which had briefly sought to start a new and alternative left-wing party. The move gives Kılıçdaroğlu the opportunity to enter the congress with a much firmer grip on power. It is also seen as the first step to eliminate Tekin's team inside the CHP.
The December 10 movement had been a vocal supporter of Kılıçdaroğlu during the transition of leadership from Baykal to the current chairman. Most of them are now CHP deputies.
The İstanbul branch is highly important as it sends the highest number of delegates to the party congress, thus having the power to influence the results of votes during party congresses.
Sources say Tekin has been greatly unnerved by the new appointment. The two men already had a difficult relationship with a strong hint of rivalry, as Tekin was, and for some still is, seen by some as a good candidate for CHP leadership, but the latest move might cause the tension to rise to the surface.
Pro-Tekin groups have already started collecting signatures to push for an extraordinary congress.
|
||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| BÜLENT KENEŞ | ![]() |
||
| What befell Niyazi-i Misri in the past is happening to Fethullah Gülen now | |||
| EKREM DUMANLI | ![]() |
||
| When a call for fairness and reason finds acceptance | |||
| ŞAHİN ALPAY | ![]() |
||
| Uludere, test case for democracy in Turkey | |||
| EMRE USLU | ![]() |
||
| Are the Kurds mentally divorced from Turkey? | |||
| GÖKHAN BACIK | ![]() |
||
| Erdoğan, Gül and Davutoğlu: the inner bargain on Turkish foreign policy | |||
| MARKAR ESAYAN | ![]() |
||
| Taking lessons from previous experiences with the military | |||
| YAVUZ BAYDAR | ![]() |
||
| Qualm | |||
| ÖMER TAŞPINAR | ![]() |
||
| A new phase in Syria? | |||
| İHSAN DAĞI | ![]() |
||
| Turkish foreign policy: Time for a re-evaluation | |||
| SEYFETTİN GÜRSEL | ![]() |
||
| Poor-friendly economic growth and the AK Party | |||
| CHARLOTTE MCPHERSON | ![]() |
||
| Missing women, missing opportunities | |||
| BERK ÇEKTİR | ![]() |
||
| Changes to incentives for investment in Turkey | |||
| MERVE BÜŞRA ÖZTÜRK | ![]() |
||
| The 1960 coup: a final test for democracy | |||
| AMANDA PAUL | ![]() |
||
| Ukraine: a lost country | |||
| MÜMTAZER TÜRKÖNE | ![]() |
||
| The 52nd anniversary of May 27 | |||
|
|
![]() |
|||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||