Kayatürk: BDP sought to attain goals by intimidation

Van was one of the election districts where these two parties had competed against each other. Like the other cities in the East and Southeast, the BDP achieved its goals in Van as well by winning four seats. The AK Party's pre-election goal, on the other hand, was aimed at winning a 5-3 victory over the BDP; however, it won an equal number of seats to its rival.

Noting that the BDP sought alliance with almost all legal and illegal institutions to obstruct the AK Party from winning in Van, AK Party Van deputy Burhan Kayatürk said: “A grave scenario was staged to make sure that we could not reach out to the voters. The BDP, which sought to create a state of fear, tried to attain its goals through the support of its allies.”

Stressing that the BDP has been inflicting the same brutality over the local people just like the deep state did in the 1990s, Kayatürk argued that the BDP's public image would be undermined because of its actions. Speaking to Today's Zaman, Kayatürk noted that the BDP had gone to extreme lengths to win every vote they could.

You set the election strategy of the AK Party in Van, a province where the two winners had a cutthroat race. Did you have connections with the BDP?

On paper, this is how it looks; however, in the eyes of the people, we are the winner because even if the BDP, who relied on intimidation and an election campaign of fear, attracted large number of votes, in the long term, it is destined to lose. It is not possible that those who victimize will win forever.

But did they not attract support because they were victimized as well?

True; part of the voters chose the BDP in the elections because of the victimization in the 1990s. There is a 90-year-old problem and serious brutalities in the 1990s including unresolved murders, acid wells [a method of torture employed by JİTEM] and forced displacement.

Are you held accountable for these cases of victimization?

This is what I cannot find acceptable; that there are attempts to hold us accountable for the past. We are not the cause of this oppression, nor are we their heirs or grandchildren.

How do they hold you accountable?

Obstacles were placed before us preventing the holding of a fair election campaign. At election rallies with the voters, tension was escalated by insinuations and indirect accusations. Groups under the direction of the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) destroyed our vehicles, held attacks against our local branches to give the impression that we were not safe. Our village visits were particularly obstructed. They even attacked the homes of the voters that we paid a visit to in spite of the obstacles. Their windows were broken, their vehicles were destroyed and Molotov cocktails were thrown at their houses. We could not even pay a visit of condolence to our friends who were attacked. In an attempt to avoid any greater attacks, our friends asked us not to visit.

I suppose there were huge incidents during your Başkale visit?

In fact, the visit started pretty well. The people of Başkale welcomed us. I saw love and excitement in their eyes. It was like they were telling us it was good to visit them. All of a sudden, this atmosphere changed, where some agitators and provocateurs started a quarrel which turned into a fight. Through the tension, they gathered a large crowd and transported supporters from other places by vans. They called the police threatening that they would send other groups to the site. In an attempt to make sure that the incidents did not grow, we had to cut the visit short.

You were warned about Başkale. No other visits were held in other election districts; what did you hope to achieve by paying a visit to Başkale?

Yes, we were told not to visit to Başkale. We did not have this luxury, though. If we do politics in Van, we have to reach out to every village and town in this city. There could have been small scale attacks; however, as the biggest party of the country, we had to reach out to the people and design our election campaign accordingly. It was important that we went to Başkale just like how the prime minister's visit to Hakkari was important.

Did your Başkale visit affect the number of votes you received?

This visit did not increase our votes but we demonstrated that we were on the side of the people. We gave the message that our people are not alone in the face of the state of fear. We received 2,000-3,000 votes. This would have been 5,000 if the ballot boxes had been protected. We would have received 10,000 votes had there been no tension and had the people been able to express themselves freely. If we could have received 2,000 additional votes, we would have won the fifth seat. Even though, we could not receive the votes of the people, but an important reality was unveiled.

What was that reality?

It became evident that all shady organizations had made an alliance in the region. That day, the BDP had held a rally in Van. We declared our decision to hold a visit to Başkale right at the last minute while we were announcing the campaign schedule for other cities beforehand. By so doing, we attempted to prevent protests and potential clashes. Life seemed pretty normal when we were there, but all of a sudden, the stores closed and tension escalated by the efforts of the organizations I have mentioned. 3,000 protestors attacked us with stones.

Do not the village guards take over where the police prove to be inadequate?

I am referring to a broad alliance against our party consisting of legal and illegal fractions. This is the reason I am recalling this. A village guard publicly said they were on side of the state but against the AK Party. Wisdom and responsibility were undermined when alliance was formed over fear and intimidation. Look at how the Başkale Nationalist Movement party's (MHP) local branch joined the BDP. The head of the provincial branch endorsed this, saying, “They can join any party but the AK Party.” Such an alliance unveiled the reality in Başkale. We were hit by stones, but this could have been bullets. However, despite this, we delivered hope to the people. We gave the message that they would not be left alone after the elections, that the administration would deal with their problems and that we were determined to resolve the problem.

Did you reach to all neighborhoods and villages?

Yes we did. We started our visit with the most challenging neighborhood. We felt were more comfortable in the city center. Village trips were more difficult. Due to safety reasons, we had to leave the village before sunset. We talked to everybody in the village during the visits. However, when they got back to their homes, the BDP disseminated their propaganda in the night.

Did you take steps and measures to alleviate the tension?

Unfortunately, our constructive steps were deliberately aborted. While we paid visits to the local branches of the parties, the BDP local provincial branch, the mayors and independent candidates didn't return our calls. They did so because our visit would give the impression of peace and order. This would have meant that the tension would have been alleviated and ensured the safety of the people going to the voting stations. They avoided this, asking for an environment of enmity and tension. After the elections, we even made a phone call to congratulate them.

We noticed that one of the primary factors behind the tension that concerned the people was the politicians' style as well as their language and discourse. Dialogue should be strengthened in the region to make sure that all parties can do politics there. I believe that significant progress will be made by the next election.

We are strong enough to win back the local administration in Van

You noted that your job was more difficult in the rural areas. Did the gendarmerie fail to provide security in these areas?

Violence and terror is a disgusting method. You cannot possibly know when it will be used. It is not wise to carry on the election campaign at night for safety reasons. The police and gendarmerie districts offer particularly different situations not only for the voters but also for us. Let me tell you this: The strength of the parties significantly differs depending on whether you are in a police or gendarmerie district. We were ahead in the police districts whereas the independent candidates were more popular in rural areas controlled by the gendarmerie.

But didn't the BDP win the local election in Van, which is under police control?

True; they received 20,000 more votes than us in 2009. The best part is that despite intimidation, alliances and attempts to create a state of fear, we managed to surpass the BDP in the city center. As of now, we are strong enough to win the local elections in Van.

So are you saying that the current performance of the BDP will remain on top if voting security is maintained?

Not only voting security, although that is necessary; we are also seeking an environment of greater democracy where further progress is made toward resolving issues; we seek further security, new arguments that would prevent exploitation of the youth's sentiments, measures to increase employment and reduce unemployment. Strengthening the moral dynamics of brotherhood, peace and happiness of all in face of racist and violent discourse will ensure that not only the urban but also the rural voters will be able to cast their votes freely. Our votes in Başkale will in this case rise from 2,000 to 10,000. Our people appreciate the service we have done; they want more public services. But they also do not want to compromise their safety and the lives of their children.

Speaking of children's safety, I would like to ask about the scandal surrounding the mayor of Hazro, who was forced to resign from the AK Party to have his son released after he was abducted. Doesn't this put the BDP in a delicate and difficult position?

What happened in Hazro is a good example of the bitter reality in Hakkari, Batman, Şırnak, Mardin and Diyarbakır. The terror organization shot itself in the foot there. The whole world witnessed how they manipulated and undermined the free will of the people. It has become evident that they victimized the innocent people and exerted pressure over politicians by using their children. Sadly, the BDP did not make any statement on this matter. Even if you prevent people's will, you cannot possibly sustain this brutality in the long run. You see that the deep state inflicting cruelty upon Kurdish people in the 1990s is now being held accountable. Even if they escape the law, the people would not forgive such cruelty and brutality. 

Were your election officers able to do their job in the rural areas?

They were threatened. They were forced to resign. One of the reasons for the visible domination of the BDP in the areas controlled by the gendarmerie was the alliance formed against the AK Party at the voting stations. Interestingly, by the time the ballot boxes were opened and the votes were being counted, the votes of the forth deputy of the BDP was around 2.5 percent. The number of votes increased over time. Late night at night, they have reached the necessary number for the forth deputy of the BDP to win.  I would not like to say that fraud was committed in this is election; however, I would say that their victory is partially attributable to their intimidation due to which our election officers were unable to represent the party at the voting stations.

Did you appeal against the election results?

This is not something that could be changed by appeal. There was no security, the officers of other parties were not present during the count; how would you expect ordinary people to stand by and defend their votes when there is no political party that would do the same? Unfairness that took place, which was disguised as being just.