While the public, which is asking why violence and terrorism are back, has not been able to find a convincing answer, two current ongoing problems in Turkey are producing groundless theories that go so far as to establish a link between “Israel” and the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK). It’s impossible to not realize that the recent attacks obstructed the initiative for Kurds, whom the PKK claims to represent. This shows that it would not exactly be incorrect to speak of a “deep PKK” phenomenon similar to the “deep state” discourse.
The terrorism problem related to the “Kurdish issue” is at a dimension that exceeds the borders of Turkey. The PKK is observing a policy that reflects the strategies and interests of various and different forces in the region. This is why, aside from the known US-Turkey-Iraq cooperation, Turkey brings up the terrorism problem in all of its international relations. Within this context, the terrorism problem is acquiring an increasingly important place in EU-Turkey relations. It is for this reason that it is not coincidental that the issue is being taken up in EU-Turkey relations at the ministerial level such as the Partnership Council.
EU Counterterrorism Coordinator Gilles de Kerchove’s recent visit to Ankara shows that Turkey is looking for EU support in counterterrorism and has found open doors in Brussels. From this perspective, examining whether this cooperation is being carried out within the scope of “correct methods” is as important as the extent to which cooperation in counterterrorism is understandable and necessary. When we take into consideration the alarming extent of body searches at borders, the lack of protection of individuals’ private information in international agreements like SWIFT; the restriction on the right of defense in cases related to terrorism; tortures conducted in CIA terror operations, which sometimes include European territories; and statements taken under torture in the name of counterterrorism in some EU member countries and similar problems, it shows that the EU is actually not the best example. Policies like these cannot be defended and do not constitute a sound foundation for negotiations in relations with a candidate country.
Basic rights being eroded
Unfortunately, basic rights are being eroded in the name of security in EU countries as well as in response to the Sept. 11 attacks on the Twin Towers and the terror nightmares experienced in Madrid, London and İstanbul. If we want to be successful and convincing in the fight against the ongoing threat of terrorism, then the values that form the basis of the EU’s foundation should not be ignored. While the balance between security and human rights needs to form the basis for the new policy, these two values should not be contradictory but rather complimentary.
Turkey should not be fixated solely on a security axis. The broad use of the term “terrorism” in Turkey in recent years and jail sentences imposed on esteemed authors such as Yaşar Kemal for touching upon the Kurdish problem shed light on the human rights problems that occur in the name of counterterrorism. An approach that “throws the baby out with the bathwater,” confuses civilians with militants, ignores basic human rights and victimizes thousands of innocent people and children will not be able to produce a solution in counterterrorism; it will only produce problems.
A policy of oppression in the name of security and the restriction of the freedom of thought have blocked the solution process to the Kurdish problem until now and have mainly impaired the process of democracy. It is for this reason that the subject of terrorism is being debated quite timidly in the ongoing debate and negotiation process between Brussels and Ankara. Everyone who has taken a slightly closer look at the decisions and reports published on Turkey in Brussels has probably seen that EU institutions look at the Kurdish issue from the perspective of democratization, human rights and economic, social and cultural aspects. From the perspective of the EU, general democratization in Turkey from the constitutional reform to the Law on Political Parties is a critical precondition for the political and democratic rights of Kurds. If in the upcoming years this process is implemented in a way similar to the “Kurdish initiative” debated last year and if Kurdish becomes an ordinary language used in educational institutions in Turkey and in society in general, then the “Kurdish problem” will be solved to a significant extent. This type of development is critical for Turkey’s domestic peace and EU process.
PKK trying to take responsibility
It is for this reason that the PKK is trying to take responsibility for this positive process. It is defending that the main dynamic of the process of democratization in Turkey and the general acceptance of Kurds as a political reality is the armed struggle that it is pursuing and wants the “Kurdish initiative” to be a plus on its side. While it has been partially successful with this strategy, as the process of democratization deepens in Turkey, even the constituent base to which the PKK appeals realizes that the PKK is part of the problem and not the solution. It’s evident from the frequent “cease-fires” this organization declared in recent years that even the PKK has realized an armed struggle and terrorism are becoming a problem. Just as it becomes increasingly more difficult for the PKK, which claims to be struggling for a “democratic Turkey” and not “national independence,” to justify its terrorist acts, it is hard to understand why it is not forcing open, albeit partially, channels of democratic participation in the face of such difficulties.
It should use all of the EU’s opportunities to support the process of democratization, to promote human rights and to make social peace in Turkey effective. It is for this reason that opening the “basic rights” and “law” headings of Chapter 23 and Chapter 24 in the negotiation process could be a critical step in enabling Turkey to make progress in its process of democratization. The cooperation that has been launched between the EU and Turkey on fighting PKK terrorism should not ignore the main ideas in these chapters and should respect human rights and international law. The democratic initiative is the most important factor in making headway on the Kurdish issue and overcoming the PKK problem.
The need for a new constitution, which will determine the political agenda in Turkey once again, is becoming evident from this perspective as well. Even though the constitutional amendment package that is being put up for a referendum is a critical step towards democratization, it does not remove the anti-democratic spirit of the 1982 Constitution. It is for this reason that I believe all political movements in Turkey need to put a new and democratic constitution project on their agenda after the upcoming elections.
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