Thousands of Uzbeks remain fearful of returning from border areas and are awaiting their chance to enter camps on the Uzbekistan side. Some humanitarian aid via Uzbekistan has been getting through to those on the border, but for thousands on the Kyrgyz side it hasn’t been enough. International aid agencies say they have had troubled getting aid to the Uzbeks. In an Uzbek neighborhood of Osh, a baker who had fled to the border with his wife and five children said his family had lost hope after supplies on the border ran out, and returned out of desperation.
“Is there any difference where to die? There is no food, no water, no humanitarian aid,” Melis Kamilov, 36, said against the backdrop of his ruined home. The Kamilovs fled to the border on Sunday, three days after the rioting began in earnest.
“I am an Uzbek, is that a crime? This is not a Kyrgyz house, this house is mine.” Troops have encircled the city of Osh with checkpoints and hold the central square, but locals have complained that some soldiers also were looting food aid. Some refugees who deserted Jalal-Abad, another town to have suffered heavy damaging in the rioting, have been stopped from returning there by authorities who set up a checkpoint on the road back into the city.
The rioting undermined attempts to bring stability in the wake of a bloody uprising in April that deposed President Kurmanbek Bakiyev. Authorities accuse Bakiyev and his family of stoking the rioting to thwart a June 27 referendum that would give the interim government more legitimacy; some observers contend the unrest was instigated after his clan lost control of a key drug transit route.
The leader of Kyrgyzstan’s Uzbek community has said the death toll among Uzbeks exceeded 300. The official toll on both sides is nearly 200, although officials have acknowledged it is likely far higher. The interim Kyrgyz government has alleged that attackers hired by Bakiyev set off the bloodshed by shooting at both Kyrgyz and Uzbeks, who have a history of ethnic tensions.
|
||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| BÜLENT KENEŞ | ![]() |
||
| ‘Deep Anatolia’ factor in democratization | |||
| ABDULLAH BOZKURT | ![]() |
||
| Private debt stock in Turkey | |||
| BERİL DEDEOĞLU | ![]() |
||
| Latest state of affairs in Turkey | |||
| NICOLE POPE | ![]() |
||
| Right and wrong | |||
| SUAT KINIKLIOĞLU | ![]() |
||
| Turkey's media | |||
| YAVUZ BAYDAR | ![]() |
||
| The empire strikes back no.267 | |||
| ERGUN BABAHAN | ![]() |
||
| The benefit of the MİT crisis | |||
| ETYEN MAHÇUPYAN | ![]() |
||
| Why does the AKP still attract support? | |||
| MARKAR ESAYAN | ![]() |
||
| How did we step into the missionary threat trap ?(2) | |||
| ALİ BULAÇ | ![]() |
||
| Sunni-Shiite-secular | |||
| EMRE USLU | ![]() |
||
| MİT and government losers in showdown | |||
| İHSAN YILMAZ | ![]() |
||
| Should the Hizmet movement form a political party? | |||
| CHARLOTTE MCPHERSON | ![]() |
||
| Anger punishes itself | |||
| KLAUS JURGENS | ![]() |
||
| 9-19-9-6 or 53-22-11-7 or… | |||
| MERVE BÜŞRA ÖZTÜRK | ![]() |
||
| Crisis within the state | |||
![]() |
|||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||