Başbuğ said some of those flights have to be over the sea and said flights over the Mediterranean and the Aegean, where Turkey has territorial disputes with Greece, are thus indispensable.
Başbuğ’s remarks came days after Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan signed more than 20 agreements in Athens with the Greek government in a number of areas ranging from immigration to tourism, but there was no announcement of any deal on trimming defense expenditures despite earlier statements from both countries welcoming such a measure amid a severe financial crisis in Greece. Observers say mutual defense cuts will be difficult unless both countries find a way to reach an understanding over their territorial disputes in the Aegean.
Greece asserts that its airspace extends 16 kilometers out to sea, but Turkey recognizes only 10 kilometers, the same distance as territorial waters. Greece often sends its fighter jets to intercept Turkish aircraft, mostly on training flights over the Aegean, saying they are violating its airspace. But Turkey insists the flights are over international waters. In 2006, a Greek pilot died after a deadly dogfight with a Turkish F-16.
Unarmed flights?
Başbuğ said he recently discussed measures to build confidence between the two neighbors with his Greek counterpart and, since most of the mistrust stems from activities of the air forces of the two countries, he proposed switching to unarmed training flights in order to avoid unwanted incidents. “I have said we will be able to reduce tensions if we end armed flights. He said he would consider this,” Başbuğ said of his meeting with his Greek counterpart on the sidelines of a NATO meeting in Brussels two weeks ago. He said Turkish military aircraft already fly unarmed on their training missions over the Aegean and that only a small number of planes protecting them are allowed to fly armed.
In a further sign of military backing for the government’s drive to improve its ties with Greece, Başbuğ also said he would be happy to visit Greece if he receives an invitation.
|
||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| BÜLENT KENEŞ | ![]() |
||
| What befell Niyazi-i Misri in the past is happening to Fethullah Gülen now | |||
| EKREM DUMANLI | ![]() |
||
| When a call for fairness and reason finds acceptance | |||
| ŞAHİN ALPAY | ![]() |
||
| Uludere, test case for democracy in Turkey | |||
| EMRE USLU | ![]() |
||
| Are the Kurds mentally divorced from Turkey? | |||
| GÖKHAN BACIK | ![]() |
||
| Erdoğan, Gül and Davutoğlu: the inner bargain on Turkish foreign policy | |||
| MARKAR ESAYAN | ![]() |
||
| Taking lessons from previous experiences with the military | |||
| YAVUZ BAYDAR | ![]() |
||
| Qualm | |||
| ÖMER TAŞPINAR | ![]() |
||
| A new phase in Syria? | |||
| İHSAN DAĞI | ![]() |
||
| Turkish foreign policy: Time for a re-evaluation | |||
| SEYFETTİN GÜRSEL | ![]() |
||
| Poor-friendly economic growth and the AK Party | |||
| CHARLOTTE MCPHERSON | ![]() |
||
| Missing women, missing opportunities | |||
| BERK ÇEKTİR | ![]() |
||
| Changes to incentives for investment in Turkey | |||
| MERVE BÜŞRA ÖZTÜRK | ![]() |
||
| The 1960 coup: a final test for democracy | |||
| AMANDA PAUL | ![]() |
||
| Ukraine: a lost country | |||
| MÜMTAZER TÜRKÖNE | ![]() |
||
| The 52nd anniversary of May 27 | |||
|
|
![]() |
|||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||