To summarize, the most functional outline we can give for the definition and mission of these organizations is building a bridge between different social, cultural, religious, economic and political factors in society by limiting the central administration's pressure and authority over NGOs.
The importance of NGOs cannot be ignored as they are institutions that play a leading role in overcoming challenges that stem from unfamiliarity between civilizations, contribute to the convergence of the East and West and play a part in developing new cooperation on basic human rights and universal values. In this respect, their main goals include lifting restrictions, increasing dialogue, compromise and tolerance and contributing to solidarity between societies by utilizing the social economic and technological developments that the 21st century offers to societies and individuals.
Unfortunately, however, big powers hide behind these organizations to carry out their plans and have turned these organizations into essential components of their political arenas.
Indeed, the spreading democracy was one of the priorities of the second Bush administration. However, instead of pursuing unsuccessful operations such as changing the regime in Afghanistan and in Iraq by military means, the task of changing regimes via civilian methods -- such as launching a revolution in Serbia, the Rose Revolution in Georgia, the Orange Revolution in Ukraine and the Cedar Revolution in Lebanon -- has been handed over to NGOs.
The expansion of NGO revolutions to the Middle East has caused an increase in claims that these organizations are acting according to the US's Greater Middle East Project.
The situation in the East
We are actually witnessing the West, also known as the developed countries, making efforts to boost the East, or developing countries. In developing countries, the theoretical definition of NGOs is predicated on sources in the West and work is carried out according to this definition. As a result of this artificial process that is not compatible with the society's basic attributes and needs, NGOs have not been able to accomplish their mission.
In the East, speaking about NGOS is still like talking about the “Arabian Nights” folk tales. In order to survive, some of these organizations observe a line that is parallel to political formations and continue to remain under the guidance of political authorities. This is the situation in North African countries and in Jordan. As for in Iraq, the interesting point is that while NGOs were subject to strict pressure prior to the US invasion in 2003, the country has undergone a major transformation following the invasion, and NGOs have undersigned many social and cultural development projects.
A second group of NGOs has become the "biggest problem" for regimes. The financial costs and activities of organizations in this group continuously attract reactions from the government and lead to interventions that go as far as banning the organizations and even making arrests. This is the case in Syria, Egypt, Iran and Sudan. In this respect, the conflict is most intense and widely covered by the press in Egypt, which is why they have recently adopted a stance against the Mubarak administration. As for Syria, the continued detention and trial of many intellectuals including Anwar al-Bunni, who signed the "Damascus Declaration" against the Assad regime, illustrate the policy these countries employ against NGOs.
A third group of NGOs has managed to gain the approval of the administration, win prestige and undertake joint projects by successfully explaining their mission to the administration. Turkey and Lebanon in particular top the list of countries in the Middle East that are in this category. Work that has been pursued over the last 10 years in these countries has significantly contributed to efforts to restructure the countries.
To summarize, the basic challenges NGOs continue to face in developing countries include the following:
* finding sufficient independent financial resources to implement projects
* a shortage of qualified staff
* mutual distrust of civilian authority
* serious accusations and intense pressure
The situation in the West
The most important point that needs to be acknowledged is that NGOs were born and raised in the West, in other words in developed countries. Within the context of respect and approval, NGOs in these countries have managed to highlight that they do not aim to replace the state authority and that their main goal is to improve society. Certainly this did not happen overnight; rather, it emerged after both society and the organizations underwent a lengthy process of transformation.
Developed countries need to understand that developing countries have political, social and religious differences and need to stop imposing "aid packages" that don't take these various differences into consideration.
The experiences in the Balkan countries in particular need to be carefully analyzed. The main reason foreign support to these countries and the intended reforms have failed is the emergence of change and transformation that does not sufficiently understand the infrastructure of these societies. These approaches have led to counter-revolutions.
Assessment and recommendations
As the number and importance of NGOs increase in the 21st century, there is merit in offering different recommendations to enable NGOs to identify problems, meet basic needs, resolve international conflicts and disagreements through peaceful methods and build international cooperation. The recommendations are:
* increase communication and interaction to contribute to democracy and freedoms
* take part in the democratic system of supranational integration
* avoid influencing traditional social structures in a chaotic manner and develop policies that will solve social problems at the macro level
* serving people and cooperating with the state and other NGOs for the best interests of society
In conclusion, the path NGOs in developing countries need to follow is to make the effort to democratize the societies and, most importantly, to point out the administration's mistakes without hesitation by offering suitable alternatives.
|
||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| BÜLENT KENEŞ | ![]() |
||
| What befell Niyazi-i Misri in the past is happening to Fethullah Gülen now | |||
| EKREM DUMANLI | ![]() |
||
| When a call for fairness and reason finds acceptance | |||
| ŞAHİN ALPAY | ![]() |
||
| Uludere, test case for democracy in Turkey | |||
| EMRE USLU | ![]() |
||
| Are the Kurds mentally divorced from Turkey? | |||
| GÖKHAN BACIK | ![]() |
||
| Erdoğan, Gül and Davutoğlu: the inner bargain on Turkish foreign policy | |||
| MARKAR ESAYAN | ![]() |
||
| Taking lessons from previous experiences with the military | |||
| YAVUZ BAYDAR | ![]() |
||
| Qualm | |||
| ÖMER TAŞPINAR | ![]() |
||
| A new phase in Syria? | |||
| İHSAN DAĞI | ![]() |
||
| Turkish foreign policy: Time for a re-evaluation | |||
| SEYFETTİN GÜRSEL | ![]() |
||
| Poor-friendly economic growth and the AK Party | |||
| CHARLOTTE MCPHERSON | ![]() |
||
| Missing women, missing opportunities | |||
| BERK ÇEKTİR | ![]() |
||
| Changes to incentives for investment in Turkey | |||
| MERVE BÜŞRA ÖZTÜRK | ![]() |
||
| The 1960 coup: a final test for democracy | |||
| AMANDA PAUL | ![]() |
||
| Ukraine: a lost country | |||
| MÜMTAZER TÜRKÖNE | ![]() |
||
| The 52nd anniversary of May 27 | |||
|
|
![]() |
|||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||