The year of initiative should precede a year of implementation
by
HELENE FLAUTRE*

In Brussels, we observed the democratic initiative process before it started to be discussed by the Turkish general public. Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan paid his first visit to Brussels in four years in January of this year and provided detailed information about developments in Turkey and the policies the government is following to the Bureau of the Assembly. Newly appointed State Minister and chief EU negotiator Egemen Bağış was sitting next to him as if he was the physical and institutional proof of the importance he attaches to the EU process. Yet, the major political message in his baggage was the start of broadcasting in Kurdish via the state-owned Turkish Radio and Television Corporation’s (TRT) TRT 6. The Turkish general public and Kurds could not make much sense of this delayed “reform” politically. Instead, it was emphasized that the channel was satisfactory, but the content of the programs wasn’t attractive to Kurds and the establishment of special TV channels was still not possible. These criticisms were justified to a great extent, but they also implied that something that must be discussed was being ignored. With TRT 6, the Turkish Republic put an end to the assimilation policy it had pursued since its establishment. This is truly a turning point. Now, it is only a matter of time for the Kurdish language to become one of the ordinary languages spoken in Turkey and even a language used as a medium of instruction, and for the cultural rights of Kurds to be fully implemented. This is particularly so considering the fact that even the main opposition Republican People’s Party (CHP) did not oppose to the “teaching” of the Kurdish language.

Recognizing democratic initiative

The “political” aspect of the “democratic initiative” was realized only in August, when Brussels could not register the developments as it was on leave that month. The Turkish president’s visit to eastern provinces and the Turkish prime minister’s address to his party’s parliamentary group were overlooked by European circles. Europe could take cognizance of the political aspects of the “democratic initiative” only when the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) militants who came from Iraq in uniforms were not arrested in the fall. Terrorism is not a problem specific to Turkey; it concerns the EU as well. To give certain cultural and political rights, as we see in the cases of Spain or Northern Ireland, it is necessary to overcome the terror issue, but it is unfortunately insufficient to solve this problem. For this reason, the Turkish government’s political initiative project, whose main features we do not know, but could only perceive, is a project that must be supported for the sake of political stability and internal peace in Turkey and that all political forces must contribute to. We must accept that this project is hard to implement, and we must be ready for future attempts to sabotage it, as seen in Tokat, and for the decisions that might complicate it, like the closure of the pro-Kurdish Democratic Society Party (DTP). Political common sense, courage and social and political support are vital for the success of this process.

I would like to draw attention to two “small” observations of mine which made me happy in 2009 as the head of the Committee on Human Rights of the European Parliament. We, as the Council of Europe and the European Parliament, have long been critical of the isolated imprisonment of [PKK leader Abdullah] Öcalan on İmralı. The transfer of five prison inmates to İmralı, which was welcomed by the prisoner there, is important in that this has led to the problems being reduced to trivial matters such as the size of his room or the location of its windows. I would like to underline my second “small” observation. In a meeting held in the European Parliament in which we discussed the status of women in Turkey, the Diyarbakır-based Women’s Center’s (KAMER) chairperson, Nebahat Akkoç, drew attention to a study. Ten years ago, nine out of 10 women regarded her spouse beating her as normal, while according to a study conducted in 2009, nine out of 10 women reject such violence. These changes in awareness signify heart-refreshing developments concerning social transformation.

The government securing the majority of seats in Parliament should boost this process and ensure that the state and political structure evolve from resistance to social transformation to becoming a facilitator of this transformation. Today Turkey has become a modern and dynamic society that can no longer be governed with a constitution shaped in the shadow of the military coup of 1980. I know that it is very unlikely to discuss the drafting of a new constitution when the elections are nearing. Still, the democratic projects that do not require constitutional amendments should be implemented in the next year. These include a new political parties bill and a new elections bill that will abolish the 10 percent election threshold.

Turkish foreign policy has taken important steps in recent years. In 2009, we testified to interesting developments in Turkey’s being perceived as a major political player in its region and around the world, which was discussed in Europe with reference to the term “neo-Ottoman.” The protocols signed with Armenia are a striking example in this regard. The “Armenian initiative” concerns not only Turkey’s history, its domestic policy or the thousands of Armenian living in Turkey. It also adds impetus to the peace dynamics in the Caucasus. This initiative has set in motion the “Minsk process,” which has not made any substantial progress for the last 15 years and which resembles a car without an engine, and started to act as a driving force in the Azerbaijani-Armenian issue. We hope the positive developments of the new year include the return of about 1 million people to their homeland and that the process of settlement is triggered on the Karabakh issue. The Armenian initiative is also an important development with respect to the EU process of Turkey. It is no coincidence that the forces that are cool to Turkey’s membership are not delighted by this initiative, which is vitally important for Armenia in political and economic terms.

Referring to Turkey’s relations particularly with Iran, some argue that Turkey is experiencing a shift of axis in its foreign policy. It is true that we really do observe a shift of axis in the Turkish foreign policy. But this shift is not taking it away from the West, but rather toward it. Turkey is discovering itself, its region, its past and its unique place in the foreign policy arena. In Brussels, we are not suspicious of Turkey’s Iran policy, and we regard Turkey’s attempts to deter Iran from a nuclear adventure as a facilitator in EU-Iranian dialogue. Turkey and the EU can implement a joint policy against nuclear armament in the Middle East. Turkey’s reluctance to make dangerous, dirty and expensive nuclear technology part of its energy policies is not only a source of joy for the Greens, but also a cause of persuasiveness in its Iran policy. Indeed, Iran’s nuclear adventure is not the result of its lack of sufficient energy resources. The only point that must be seriously taken into consideration in the Israeli press, which is rife with axial shift debates, is to pay the utmost care to not permanently damage Turkish-Israeli relations. Israel’s Gaza operation, in which crimes against humanity were committed, and the fact that a government with a foreign minister who can be described as a “xenophobe” at best took office in Israel have considerably strained Turkish-Israeli relations. Yet, the source of the problem is not in Turkey, but in Israel. Israel should return to the peace process in Palestine and accept Jerusalem as the capital of two states.

Cyprus issue awaiting solution

I cannot go on without touching an issue that represents a major problem in EU-Turkish relations. The Cyprus issue is a major issue in many respects. The term presidency of Sweden, and particularly Foreign Minister Carl Bild and EU Enlargement Commissioner Olli Rehn, should be congratulated. These two politicians not only were aware of the fact that this issue requires a permanent and comprehensive settlement but also have shown that the EU is not a toy of any member country. Now, the historic opportunity for settlement in Cyprus is left to the common sense of these two leaders. In this respect, Turkey should dispense with the convenience of the support it once gave to the Annan plan and engage in a more active and constructive policy to facilitate any search for settlement. We hope the Cyprus issue, which has turned into a Gordian knot of entanglements, taboos and dogmas, will be settled in the coming months without causing much tribulation to the two peoples of the island.

I can hear my friends in Turkey and Brussels say: “Not everything in Turkey is a bed of roses. Doesn’t this lady see many negative developments in the country?” This article is a New Year’s article, so it is written to encourage and support positive developments and congratulate the new year of my friends and their good prospects for 2010. I wish everyone a hopeful and peaceful new year.