Democratic initiative in 2009 and military reform in 2010
by
MÜMTAZ’ER TÜRKÖNE

It follows that nothing actually stands where it seems to stand. The case of the chief of general staff resembled that of Baydemir when he shouted instructions and commands at intellectuals and judges while aboard one of Turkey’s renowned warships. Thus, by doing so, Gen. İlker Başbuğ gave the same message to his supporters: “What more can I do for you?” As about 90 percent of the commentaries that appeared in the media tended to criticize Başbuğ for doing so, this armed press conference could not have had any other purpose.

Wherever it is louder or noisier than ordinary, that place is characterized by some problems or troubles. As the democratic initiative advances, the room for maneuver in ethnic Kurdish politics is getting smaller. The Ergenekon trial is shedding light on dark areas, and warships and the protection of weapons have become shelter for generals. Thus, we can conclude that the sphere of democracy and the rule of law is widening in Turkey.

Accountability of the military

How does the Turkish military fare in terms of readiness for war, military training and management? One needs to be an expert to answer this question. Still, a memo recently posted by the General Staff implies that the military is poorly managed. This memo is a scandal in and of itself. A news story titled “30 questions that the General Staff did not answer” published in the Star daily describes this scandal in exhaustive detail. The memo is like a court decision concerning an ongoing investigation. What we see in this memo is a defendant, a prosecutor and a judge simultaneously; even its justification is maimed by a legal error that is capable of creating a “lack of confidence in the Turkish Armed Forces (TSK).” The argument that the TSK was forced to “expose information concerning the investigation to the public” is a clear confession of “breaching laws.”

The attempt aboard that warship to put intellectuals, academics, the media and, most importantly, the judiciary in line was a scene worthy of third-class republics. This can also be said of a General Staff that makes judgments about every ongoing investigation and holds its personnel to be “innocent.”

 Thanks to a single-word amendment to the penal code, the public prosecutor can now investigate these claims about an assassination plot. Before that amendment, public prosecutors could not search or question military personnel. Therefore we can conclude that the law can shed light on anything.

One cure: transparency

Instead of trying to cover things up with this memo, the General Staff should do one thing that will eliminate the ever-increasing suspicions: open itself up to a complete review and audit. The veil of secrecy and the wall of privileges the military currently entertains as part of its duties do nothing but heighten suspicions and doubts about the TSK. This armor must be lifted, and all units of the military must be opened to civilian inspection. If one objects to this by saying, “How can we protect military secrets?” there is a simple answer: If all military secrets are exposed to light, will this do more damage than suspicions about “an army that assassinates politicians”? We have only one cure, and that is transparency. This is the only thing that will restore the much-battered prestige of the military, will allow us to sleep comfortably at night and will reinstate the rule of law in Turkey. And it is the only solution to the TSK’s current crisis. The ultimate thing that must be done for this country is to have a General Staff with all its rooms illuminated.

 The slaying of 33 soldiers? The assassination of Gaffar Okkan? The plan to set off explosives while children are visiting the Rahmi Koç Museum? The plots to assassinate statesmen? The only way to clear the military of many more suspicions and investigations is to have transparency. Military units that complain about “asymmetrical psychological operations against the army” or “attempts to discredit the TSK” have no other choice but to open themselves to review by Parliament and the law. The memo’s mentality, which runs counter to the law, does more damage to the military than all the psychological warfare operations against the TSK. In no other way can you protect the dignity of the institution in which you work and the interests of the country in which you live. Every area that is not open to review will be interpreted as a place for protecting criminals.

Military skills

 We should also take into consideration a possibility we were reminded of by Deniz Baykal when he said, “Can people who can’t even remember the name of the street carry out an assassination?” What if this is really the case? What if “people who can’t even remember the name of the street” really do engage in this assassination business? Have a look at what has been exposed. Can a person who concludes that the weapon he holds has been given to him so that he can assassinate his admirals or politicians or children really remember the name of a street? The weapons are carried by incompetent people... Then, it follows that we face a greater danger.

Turkey’s recent past is rife with a number of mysterious political assassinations. The findings and speculations about these murders have always hinted at the existence of a clandestine network within the military. There are strong suspicions that the counter-guerrilla organization established within NATO armies in Europe has committed murders with the intention of creating room for political maneuver for the military in Turkey. These murders have served to create concerns and worries in a chaotic environment and society has eventually been convinced that there is no other choice but a military dictatorship.

Two military officers caught in front of the home of Bülent Arınç are working for this counter-guerrilla unit. Indeed, the most convincing evidence that there was an attempt to assassinate Arınç is these military officers’ membership in the counter-guerrilla. The General Staff’s argument that these military officers were actually pursuing a spy within the military is not persuasive since they are not intelligence officers.

Like all other militaries, the Turkish military is a bureaucratic institution. Reflexes such as avoiding responsibilities and destroying individual talents also exist in the Turkish military. This bureaucratic structure fails when it organizes illegal activities. In the past, these failures could be concealed under the veil of military secrecy and privileges. Now, this armor has been lifted. Even this implies that this bureaucratic structure must go through a major reform.

The second half of 2009 was characterized by strong moves to solve the Kurdish issue and discussions of the democratic initiative. The democratic initiative will continue to be a major agenda item in 2010.

Still, the need for military reform emerges as a major requirement. Whether the suspicions and concerns about the military can be eliminated or whether a military force guided by the rule of law can be created is dependent upon these reforms. The democratization of Turkey, too, relies on these reforms.

The major debate in 2010 will be about the democratic reform of the military.