Alevi leader Balkız: New left-social democrat party will solve problems, including those of Alevis

“The CHP does not act like a party of the left in the face of problems encountered by Alevis and the country since it portrays itself as a conservative party which sides with the status quo,” he told Today's Zaman for our Monday Talk interview.

The Alevi community, a group thought to have between 6 and 12 million adherents, is looking for new political choices. As one of its influential leaders, Balkız recently announced plans to join a new political party following offensive remarks from main opposition CHP Deputy Chairman Onur Öymen.

Öymen made a speech in Parliament in November in which he said: “Didn’t mothers also cry at the time of the Sheikh Said Rebellion? Didn’t mothers also cry at the time of the Dersim Rebellion?” in response to the government’s use of the phrase “Let no more mothers cry” as part of its efforts to end the Kurdistan Workers’ Party’s (PKK) campaign of terror. His words left Alevis, who traditionally give considerable support to the CHP, infuriated.

The new movement, which includes leaders and some members of the ABF, the Social Democratic People’s Party (SHP) and leaders like independent deputy Ufuk Uras, does not yet have a name. It is expected to have its bylaws completed in January.

Balkız answered our questions on the new party expected to be formed and what it means for Alevis as well as for people seeking a strong left party to vote for.

Your statements regarding the ABF’s support of a party which is expected to be established has been interpreted as a lack of hope on the part of Alevis in the CHP. Have Alevis lost hope in the CHP?

As an institution, the ABF is not going to be in a new party which is expected to be on the left side of the political spectrum. The ABF will also not be a founding partner. But some ABF administrators and members may be founding partners. Yes, our country needs a left-social democratic party to solve some basic problems, including problems faced by Alevis. Alevis expect this. The CHP does not act like a party of the left in the face of problems encountered by Alevis and the country since it portrays itself as a conservative party which sides with the status quo. In addition, the CHP has met no Alevi demands, but only asks for their votes. Whenever Alevis have wanted to be elected, their ways have been blocked.

‘Alevis want Ergenekon structure to come into light of day’ Do Alevis believe that there is this illegal structure called Ergenekon? There are probably as many Alevis as there are Sunnis who believe that Ergenekon exists. Alevis also want for this clandestine structure and all related events to be illuminated. Their only reservation might be the AK Party, the CHP or any other party being involved in order to benefit out of this effort. Such organizations have always existed. It is important for Alevis, Sunnis, Kurds and Turks to live together in peace and unity in our country. And again, we should be altogether against any efforts to destroy our unity. We must learn a lot from past experiences in that regard. So it wasn’t surprising to see Ergenekon allegedly use Alevis and even target you? Structures such as Ergenekon have been using not only Alevis and Sunnis but people from every group. There is nothing to be surprised about. The important thing is whether we will allow ourselves to be used again after all this experience.

Do you hear criticism that if a new party is formed, CHP votes will be split?

The party we would like to establish is a left and social democratic party that would be a party of the masses. It does not intend to divide the CHP or any other party. The new party would first of all seek votes from people who do not go to the polls because they cannot find a party to vote for. We will also seek votes from supporters of the CHP, the Justice and Development Party (AK Party), the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) and the Democratic Society Party (DTP). We realize that our move to establish a party has disturbed the CHP. This is why some of our friends who still hold out hopes for the CHP are talking about our efforts as if we are establishing a party for the Alevis. Indeed, we understand their attitude. What can they do? They have to hope and “hope is the bread of the destitute.”

The Alevis have in the past tried to form parties, including the Unity Party (BP) in the 1960s and the Peace Party in the 1990s. But these were not successful in the long run. Why do you believe a new party which aims to garner Alevi votes in addition to others will be successful today? What has changed in your opinion?

They were not successful because both parties used symbols of the Alevi faith in their party emblems. This is not acceptable for the Alevis, considering their views regarding secularism, democracy and politics. Alevis have been the most critical group of carrying ideas of party politics into mosques and religious groups; they should not have done the same themselves. Today, our country has been embroiled in very many problems because of the policies of the parties of the right. The division of the left, which was crushed in the period following the Sept. 12, 1980 coup, also contributed to the large problems. This new party we are trying to establish will work to correct this situation; our country’s democracy needs it.

‘Onur Öymen indeed made a positive contribution’

Is there a possibility that Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu might be in the new party?

It is not for us to say that on behalf of Mr. Kılıçdaroğlu, who is a rare politician in Turkey’s political arena. I wish he was insistent on his statement “Onur Öymen should do what is necessary.” The doors of a left-social democratic party are always open to people who share this view.

What effect did Öymen’s Dersim remarks have on the establishment of a new party?

Turkey needs a left-social democratic party that can unify the left and be a party of the masses that will find solutions to problems, including those of Alevis. We talked about this publicly following the March 2009 local elections. We did not start the discussion of forming a party with Öymen’s remarks, but the timing of the announcement of the new party intersected with developments related to Öymen’s words.

Ali Balkız, head of the Federation of Alevi-Bektaşi Associations He was born in Sivas in 1945 and then migrated to Malatya with his family in 1960. He was a teacher at various high schools across Turkey from 1970 to 1980. Following the Sept. 12, 1980 military coup, he was put on trial at a martial law court and served a prison term from 1981 to 1984. He was the editor-in-chief of Pir Sultan Abdal Culture and Arts Magazine. He is also the author of storybooks in addition to his research papers on the identity of Alevis. Balkız says about 400,000 people are members of associations overseen by the ABF. This is approximately 90 percent of organized Alevis. Upon an ABF initiative, thousands of Alevis gathered in İstanbul in November for the “Equal Citizenship Against Discrimination” demonstration. There was a similar demonstration in Ankara last year. They demanded an end to mandatory religion courses, for cemevis (Alevi houses of worship) to receive official status, for turning the Madımak Hotel in Sivas -- where a group of Alevi intellectuals were burned to death -- into a museum and for the removal of derogatory expressions from school textbooks.

Do you think this side of the CHP, which has become crystal clear with Öymen’s remarks, was known before?

The Dersim issue was a veiled and covered issue. The young population in particular did not know the details of who stood where. We can say that Öymen indeed made a positive contribution without realizing it. Alevis are told to forget about massacres in Sivas, Maraş, Gazi and Çorum. As we go to Sivas every year on July 2 to remember, some people say, “Don’t scratch the wound.” But we know that if we forget, they will make us go through a similar experience again.

Do you think Alevis will support the CHP in the next election?

The percentage of Alevi support for the CHP in the next election is not important to us. What is important is the percentage of Sunni voters who will support this new left party because we hope to receive votes from every segment.

How many Alevi deputies are there in the CHP?

I don’t know them by name. I don’t know their exact number either. Some 10-15 percent of CHP deputies might be Alevi. More interestingly, there are only two Alevi deputies in the ruling party out of their 350 deputies. Putting aside the number of Alevi deputies in Parliament, we should be curious about the number of Alevis in many other influential positions. How many Alevis are there on the Supreme Board of Judges and Prosecutors (HSYK)? How many Alevis are provincial governors, district governors, chiefs of police, undersecretaries and generals?

Are you saying the number of Alevis in these positions is very low?

Yes, it is. This is either a result of discriminatory practices or assimilation policies.

Do you think Alevis who support Alevi associations other than the ABF would vote for the new party?

Just as we cannot expect all Sunnis to vote for one party, we cannot expect all Alevis to do the same.

‘Directorate of Religious Affairs should be removed’

Do you think there are Alevis who support the ruling party?

I don’t think so. Apart from putting the “Alevi initiative” and the “Alevi workshops” into practice, the government has not even enforced rulings of the European Court of Human Rights, the Council of State and regional administrative courts that favor Alevis.

You had once said that no government had before asked the Alevis what they want but that this government has. At the same time, you do not trust the government with its Alevi initiatives. Why?

Yes, the AK Party asked, “Dear Alevis, what do you want?” and we consider this important as we expect results. However, what we have observed during those Alevi workshops is that some participants, like the Civil Servants’ Trade union (Memur-Sen), suggested assimilation. Some participants used their chairs as tools to accuse and belittle Alevis. This is something we cannot forgive. In addition, it is significant that officials have become silent in the face of the “Strategy Document,” which was published by the Directorate of Religious Affairs and listed people who ask for classes on religion in schools to be elective courses as people who are “against Islam and the Directorate of Religious Affairs.” We take their silence as approval of the document. Moreover, the ruling party is responsible for serving all and solving the problems of everyone, regardless of who voted for them.

The ABF would like to have the Directorate of Religious Affairs closed because you would like for the state to be secular. Do you think Alevis outside the ABF share this view?

It is not possible for everyone to want the same thing at the same level. But when it comes to the question of relations between the state and religion, we believe there is no place for the Directorate of Religious Affairs in a secular state as it has become a tool of the state to interfere in religion. It is the same for the mandatory classes on religion. And yes, most Alevi organizations overwhelmingly share this view. There are also a few who think that they could have monetary or other gains from the Directorate of Religious Affairs.

You had once said that Atatürk tried to form a secular state but that it was the CHP which first opened religious imam-hatip high schools and started mandatory religious classes. Do Alevis realize these facts that you draw attention to? And how do you interpret this CHP act?

In 1947, the CHP general assembly passed a decision to offer classes on religion in schools. Village Institutes (educational institutions in villages designed to breed future idealistic teachers) were closed down. Then fourth and fifth graders were given elective classes on religion. In 1948, there were imam-hatip courses which then became imam-hatip high schools. These all show that there were efforts to deviate from Atatürk’s goal to establish a secular state. This was all in preparation to engage in politics using religion against the thriving Democrat Party (DP).

You have said on other occasions that the ABF or associations under the ABF did not participate in mass demonstrations in Turkey in support of “the republic and secularism.” Did other Alevi organizations participate in those demonstrations and why?

No Alevi organization participated in those demonstrations because the main theme of the demonstrations was that “Turkey is secular and will remain secular.” But we say that “Turkey is not secular and that it should be secular.” There may have been individual participation of Alevis in the demonstrations. This is every person’s choice.