ASDER chief: Military plots aim at urging top brass to stage coups

According to Tarhan, an anti-democratic group within the Turkish Armed Forces (TSK) prepares such plots, most probably without the cognizance of top military commanders and wishes to create an atmosphere in the country suitable for a military takeover.

    Tarhan was elected the new head of the Advocates of Justice Association (ASDER) last month. The association was established by a group comprising former members of the military who were dismissed from the military or forced to retire. Tarhan was dismissed from the military in 1997, where he had worked as a psychiatrist, for being an observant Muslim. The ASDER chief was referring to a number of plots discovered recently which are believed to have been prepared by members of the military.

One of these plots, which features a signature confirmed as belonging to Col. Dursun Çiçek, revealed that the TSK had a systematic plan to destroy the image of the Justice and Development Party (AK Party) government and the Gülen movement in the eyes of the public, to play down the investigation into Ergenekon -- a clandestine organization accused of plotting to overthrow the government -- and to gather support for members of the military arrested as part of the Ergenekon probe.

Another plot, called the Cage Operation Action Plan, detailed a military plan to kill prominent non-Muslim figures in the country and place the blame for the killings on the AK Party. The killings were intended to increase internal and external pressure on the party, leading to diminishing public support for the AK Party.

We understand that we were on the brink of a coup three or four years ago. These activities seem to continue today. The plan to finish off the AK Party and the Gülen movement and the Cage plan were covered in the press. What do you think about this process?

The developments of today can be seen as proponents and opponents of democracy wrestling each other. Which one will emerge the stronger? If the political power backpedals out of fear, its opponents will continue to implement their plans until they achieve their targets. There is a group of military officers who are inclined to favor a coup inside the TSK. This group operates independently of the TSK’s management. This group that acts with the for-the-state-despite-the-state mentality must be exposed to public.

Who are they?

They are the remnants of the previous coups. There are groupings that can be compared to the Ottoman Janissary; they do not conform to the overall structure of the TSK. They work outside the chain of command. While they do not account for the majority of the military officers, they are louder and noisier than the rest.

Is this group behind the plan to finish off the AK Party and the Gülen movement and the Cage plan?

Possibly.

Do you think that top brass is unaware of their activities?

A commander cannot allow such plans to be implemented. As it seems, those who penned these plans are being coordinated by people outside the TSK, and they form an autonomous network. Still, the commanders may be misled to take part in such activities.

Isn’t it possible that these plans or this categorization of people according their ideologies have been done within the scope of anti-reactionaryism to the knowledge of top commanders?

With a National Security Council [MGK] decision, the TSK’s psychological warfare department, currently known as the information support unit, was told: “There is reactionaryism in Turkey. You must fight against it.” So it was commissioned to carry out this task. It is an official duty, but it does not describe what reactionaryism is. For this reason, military officers such as Dursun Çiçek act according to the duties assigned to them. It is very easy to treat them as scapegoats. While assigning the duty of anti-reactionaryism to a unit, a definition of reactionaryism must also be made. If they treat pious people who fulfill their religious duties without breaching the law and who pay their taxes as enemies, then you see 70 percent of the society as the enemy.

Both the plan undersigned by Dursun Çiçek and the Cage plan consisted of plots to weaken or discredit the AK Party government and create a chaotic environment. The acts they planned are hair-raising, such as the blowing up of a museum. What sort of psychology can produce such a horrible scenario?

In this country, there is the general perception that the interests of the homeland are above all. They think that they are doing this for the sake of the homeland. Those who pen these plans regard themselves as special and important. They idealize the homeland. They employ a bad method for a good purpose.

They think that they are losing Turkey, don’t they?

There are two groups. A significant minority thinks that people need to be ruthlessly destroyed so their dominance and privileges can continue to exist. They regard these privileges and this tyranny as part of their rights. Still, a significant portion is being used. Their high ideals are being abused.

Do they intend to create chaos for eventual military takeover?

Yes. These groups were operational also at the time of Hilmi Özkök Pasha, but they failed to persuade him to stage a coup. Today, they are working to convince the current top brass to think that a military takeover is inevitable.

They were successful in the Feb. 28 process.

Yes. A similar plan was made then. Three major newspapers simultaneously ran news stories about a Quran course. The Fadime Şahin and Ali Kalkancı scandals were disclosed. They arranged for Aczmendis [a religious group known for their strange clothing and extremist ideas] to pop up here and there all around the country for days, and based on this, a media organization published stories of how reactionaryism was on the rise. The whole country was manipulated to believe in this story. And the Feb. 28 process stepped in. But today people have realized that those news stories were traps set for society. Our association has played an important role in this awareness. ASDER advocated that the state should not plot against its own nation.

Have these pro-coup groups evolved into a junta?

They are pro-coup groups, but we can talk about a junta if we discover its organization chart. Do they satisfy themselves with merely brainstorming and doing think tank work or have they acted? Investigations will reveal which one is the case. It is the first time a commander has faced such an accusation in history.

Chief of General Staff Gen. İlker Başbuğ was more interested in who leaked the plans and the operation than their content. The General Staff opted to deny the authenticity of many documents published by the Taraf newspaper.

The chief of general staff was wrong to act with a sense of affiliation and belonging. He affords protection to guilty military officers just because they are members of his community. The Mesopotamian mentality of protecting members of the group who engage in illegal activities is embodied in the chief of general staff. He does not deliver these guys to the judicial system.

He must force the military officers who are involved in these plans to resign so that the TSK does not suffer any more loss of image. If he continues to defend them, then the TSK will lose more prestige.

Do these pro-coup groups within the TSK have civilian associates?

Of course, it would unfair to put all the blame on the TSK. Without international support and support from media, business and political circles, a few military officers could not be expected to gather together and set on such a plot. All these connections must be exposed.

Isn’t it possible that the documents published in the press are fake?

The probability of this information being false is very low. It is a strong suspicion, and a reasonable one. We are talking about an army that is guilty of three coups and four memorandums in the past. All of the plans and operations exposed relate to preparations for a coup. They deserve to be investigated legally. Today, we are witnessing a confrontation of powers via Dursun Çiçek.

What sort of confrontation is it?

A struggle between those who abide by legal requirements and those who seek to sabotage the rule of law. In the past, judges and prosecutors tended to refrain from becoming involved in such confrontations and they would close the case dossier. But this is changing.

Dursun Çiçek was arrested twice. But he was released in the end. What does that mean?

In the case of Dursun Çiçek, we should look at the garden, not at the flower. As I said before, there is a power conflict playing out through Çiçek. If Çiçek is not sentenced, they will conclude that they still hold the power. If he is sentenced, they will suffer a serious loss of prestige. Therefore, Çiçek has served as a point of resistance. We will see the result of the judicial process here in time, but it has already become a highly symbolic case. The case of Çiçek is essentially an indication of whether the rule of law exists in Turkey. We will all see whether they achieve their goal by following indirect methods such as changing judges or prosecutors or whether the trial is concluded by observing the rule of law.

The coup plans are being leaked to the public by a whistleblower officer. What do you think about that? Can we see this as an indication of how military officers who are democrats raise their voices?

Democratic officers were previously silent, but they are now raising their voices. This is the difference. Democratic officers are the majority in the TSK. They do not approve of such plots and plans. Another thing, pro-coup groups are in the minority. Since they work on destructive plans, they are noisier. Indeed, destruction makes more noise. Constructive work is generally slow. The pro-coup groups seem bigger than they really are since they engage in destructive acts. However, time favors constructive and honest work. In the short term, destructive or scheming types win. Indeed, the efforts to shape the society with military coup of the 1960s failed in the long term. As people learned the truth, they started to question this pro-coup mentality.

Does the TSK’s management know about this whistleblower officer?

This is hard to ascertain, but this may also be the result of an internal row among the pro-coup groups. They may be planning to place the chief of general staff in a difficult situation. Or it may be a tactic of those who want to create chaos by leaving him in a pickle. Such things are hard to confirm. When I was working at the General Staff, there were top-secret branches. You could not even pass them in the corridors. However, an insider may have access to this information.

What should the AK Party and civilians do against such groups?

It is very hard to conduct the necessary operations. Pro-coup groups are like cancerous cells. First, you must diagnose the disease correctly. Then, surgery is needed as drug treatment is not sufficient. Otherwise, cancerous cells spread to the entire tissue. Parliament is the major operator. But, it does not function properly. Proper judicial reform cannot be implemented. Reforms for the standardization of the TSK based on the European Union criteria have not been made. These reforms must be urgently implemented. Laws should be reviewed. The system that offers coups as an option must be amended. The president has legal supervisory duties. An administrative inspection of the TSK is needed. The results of such inspections must be evaluated legally. The president should act as an adjudicator during this process.

They wouldn’t leave Nevzat alone, but they no longer have the power to do this

With your books and articles, you fight against such groups within the TSK. What reactions have you received about them?

Mostly positive ones. I became a member of the TSK at the age of 14; I have many officers and generals as my friends. Recently one of them sent a note, “They wouldn’t leave Nevzat alone, but they no longer have the power to do this.”

Do you have concerns as you write these articles?

No, but it is a risk. I risked my career in doing so. Still, I decided early take this risk instead of leading a dishonorable life without principles. I believe that it is a social responsibility to tell the truth. If I don’t do it, who else will do it? Few people except for our ASDER group have in-depth knowledge about the TSK. Justice demands courage. This is the essence of our struggle. We act according to the requirements of nobility from our heritage as Turks. If we do not engage in this struggle, we will lose respect for ourselves.