Another problem with communication has to do with the desire of people such as intellectuals, journalists, authors and broadcasters to partake in sensationalism. These people wish for others to respect and listen to them and want to be able to say, “I told you so,” thereby displaying their wisdom.
If some find that their needs are not being met, they will become upset, turn to attacks and make negative comments that will negatively affect any debate. It is important to remember that only very few people have the ability to overcome their own psychological barriers. This means parties on opposing ends of an issue must be open to criticism and ready to face unfairness. Only those who can fulfill this requirement can solve painful problems.
Identity debates will intensify during the process of solving the decades-old and deeply rooted Kurdish problem in Turkey, which has claimed around 40,000 lives, and there will be a stronger attachment to both the Turkish and the Kurdish identity. There will be a rise in the sale of flags, there will be more demonstrations in which people will carry symbols of their identity and messages involving ethnic identity will become more widespread. These reactions are normal and nothing to be feared. Identities are secretly and implicitly expressed anyway. But there will be an increase in these expressions. If successful, it will become possible to accept the other identity as well in this process.
The historical existence and interplay of the Turkish and Kurdish identity on these lands will contribute to a new compromise. Once people can freely express their identity, they will go beyond their social identities and start contemplating and acting for the sake of these lands or for the civilization they belong to.
It's also worth mentioning that the families of martyrs will assume a central role in this problem. The traumas, memories, pain and mourning of parents who've lost their children to terrorism will be rekindled, and they will start asking themselves and the state questions.
The way these families express their renewed pain will make it difficult for all of us. They have suffered the most from this problem, so they will have a lot to share. If manipulations that took place using martyrs' funeral ceremonies in the past are re-enacted using martyrs' families, then there will be a significant amount of tension in the public. It will be of paramount importance to engage in constant dialogue with martyrs' families, to embrace their pain and to treat them well.
The most difficult component of the Kurdish initiative process is that the main actors leading the process will be under chronic stress. Leaders in the process will be subject to chaotic criticism and various kinds of accusations. The most challenging accusation they will face is treason. This situation will not only call for strong psychological resilience but also require the difficult job of moving forward without ignoring criticism.
The increased probability of individual attacks on leaders is another problem in this process. Those who are subject to protest may come under deadly attack. The biggest paradox is that while leaders need to interact with the public more, social environments will probably be riskier places. One of the main reasons why leaders have not put in adequate effort to solve the problem is because they anticipate such difficulties. But leaders can protect themselves by frequently reminding themselves of the importance and significance of what they are doing. Their job is meaningful, valuable and even sacred because it seeks to eliminate people's pain.
Ultimately, trying to understand the psychological aspects of the process that has been launched to solve the Kurdish problem and managing these aspects correctly will enable the process to move forward robustly.
This article was an introduction to psychological characterizations. During the solution process, similar dynamic psychological analyses should continue to be carried out.
|
||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| BERİL DEDEOĞLU | ![]() |
||
| Yemen and beyond | |||
| ABDULLAH BOZKURT | ![]() |
||
| Turkey and Mexico: Distant yet so close | |||
| ABDÜLHAMİT BİLİCİ | ![]() |
||
| Google kidnaps Gül! | |||
| İHSAN YILMAZ | ![]() |
||
| The Egyptian elections, Islam and Islamists | |||
| MARKAR ESAYAN | ![]() |
||
| There is need for a new initiative | |||
| EMRE USLU | ![]() |
||
| Operational errors | |||
| HASAN KANBOLAT | ![]() |
||
| Are Russian tourists being discouraged from visiting Turkey? | |||
| CHARLOTTE MCPHERSON | ![]() |
||
| The modern ‘Great Game’: women’s role and status | |||
| KLAUS JURGENS | ![]() |
||
| Back to the ’80s | |||
| KATHY HAMILTON | ![]() |
||
| Random acts of violence | |||
| MERVE BÜŞRA ÖZTÜRK | ![]() |
||
| Adding insult to injury in Uludere | |||
| NICOLE POPE | ![]() |
||
| Shifting responsibility | |||
| YAVUZ BAYDAR | ![]() |
||
| ‘Errorism’ | |||
| ORHAN MİROĞLU | ![]() |
||
| ‘Strategic vision’ | |||
| ORHAN KEMAL CENGİZ | ![]() |
||
| Turkey through Amnesty International’s eyes | |||
|
|
![]() |
|||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||