Baykal and Erdoğan switch to anger mode

It appears that Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) leader Devlet Bahçeli and Democratic Society Party (DTP) leader Ahmet Türk are joining in. Is rage an oratorical art? If that is the case, are there socio-psychological, political and cultural factors behind this art?

I have directed this and similar questions to politicians. My friends who are deputies from the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) and the DTP said the art of oration, just like its democracy, was unique only to this soil.

A senior diplomat from the Republican People's Party (CHP), whom I know for his politeness, emphasized that ferocity does not go well with the image of a civilized Turkey and criticized the Justice and Development Party (AK Party) for getting too paranoid over criticism directed at it.

HSYK member Ali Suat Ertosun (with his hand in his pocket) was photographed meeting with individuals who are currently suspects in the Ergenekon trial. Controversial HSYK member silenced Sabancı murderer Supreme Board of Judges and Prosecutors (HSYK) member Ali Suat Ertosun, who has been in the spotlight for wanting to remove prosecutors investigating Ergenekon, a clandestine gang charged with plotting to overthrow the government, could be linked to the death of one of the prime suspects in the murder of a prominent businessman. The mystery surrounding the 1996 murder of businessman Özdemir Sabancı that occurred on the 25th floor of the Sabancı Holding building in İstanbul has not yet been solved. How did the attackers enter the high-security building? How did they get past the tight security and go all the way up to the 25th floor, where Sabancı worked? How did they obtain weapons and transport them to the scene of the attack? No satisfactory statements have yet come, and no sound information that would lead to the masterminds behind the perpetrators of the murder has yet emerged. In fact, not a word has been gotten out of the gunmen. During last week's HSYK discussions, a very important piece of information was brought to light. Mustafa Duyar, one of those who confessed his guilt and was taken away, had wanted to talk. Perhaps he was even going to give information about the backstage operations of the attack. Journalist Can Dündar got wind of this, but despite his obtaining the necessary permission from then-Justice Minister Hasan Denizkurdu, he was blocked from meeting with Duyar. Dündar said it was none other than Ertosun who had prevented the interview from taking place. Now an HSYK member responsible for preparing an unofficial list of judges and prosecutors working on the Ergenekon trial to be transferred to new cases, Ertosun has been confirmed by Dündar as the person who in his capacity as the head of prisons and detention centers prevented the meeting with Duyar. Duyar was killed in prison soon after his meeting with Dündar was prevented. An interesting statement had also come from Nuri Ergin, who had silenced Duyar, Ergin said: “The state had Duyar killed. Ask Veli Küçük [currently under arrest as part of the Ergenekon case] about it.” He also told Ergenekon prosecutor Zekeriya Öz: “If you want to solve the Sabancı assassination, then ask why Ertosun showed such great interest in Duyar.”

Another profound analysis came from a senior AK Party official who has a background in law. “In our democracy, which is currently at the development stage, the effort to get elected and rule is perceived as a fight for permanent power, a war of influence. When this is the case, a description that normally does not exist in democracies enters the arena: the distinction between the ‘accepted ruler,' and the ‘tolerated ruler'.”

According to the same person, center-right governments have always been among the “tolerated.” But he also noted that once Turkey's multi-party politics began, Adnan Menderes and his Democrat Party (DP), the Justice Party (AP) and its head Turgut Özal as well as Özal's later Motherland Party (ANAP, now ANAVATAN) and the AK Party and Erdoğan were only tolerated in the first term. In their second term in office, none of them were tolerated.

According to the same analysis, those center-right parties who get to be “rulers that can't be tolerated” by the state get angry, precisely because of this rejection. The “accepted rulers,” however, never get enough public support, which also causes anger issues.

So who decides who is acceptable and who is not? These are the secret partners of those that hold the real power, those who are influential in ruling, even though they are not part of the administration. In other words, this is the military and civilian bureaucracy as well as generals after a coup d'état, those judiciary members who collaborate with them, some members of the business world and the media.

The reason why the anger mode has peaked and expanded to include a larger sector is this critical and historic period our country is passing through. For the first time in Turkey's six decades of multi-party history, the “untolerated” government is continuing to stay in power against all odds. What's more, the masks worn by those who “cannot tolerate” are falling off. One after another, the chains that have surrounded the legitimate power are falling away, revealing all the more clearly how legitimate governments have been left in despair. Those who miss a country run by junta generals have been brought before the judiciary. Those members of the judiciary who would like to block the process cannot do their part. The executive appears to be determined not to give in to pressure groups. History is being rewritten at the height of the anger mode.

Will Erdoğan seek dialogue with  opposition over parliament speaker?

A friend of mine, a guru of politics, who likens Parliament to multi-party coalitions, says that Parliament's success and performance greatly depend on the level of dialogue and harmony between all parties represented under its roof.

Another friend, a senior member of the AK Party who has a background in law, says a recent law that would allow foreign companies to compete in tenders to clear mines along the Syrian-Turkish border has been a very important lesson in this regard. “The risk we took was huge, and the four-and-a-half weeks we lost were not really worth it.” Another law, one that makes it possible for military officers to be tried in civilian courts, has caused maximum tension in Parliament.

Parliament will convene to vote in a new parliament speaker on Aug. 4. Perhaps this could give Prime Minister Erdoğan the opportunity to seek dialogue with opposition leaders. This could be a great idea, according to my friend.

Even before Erdoğan brought up the question, CHP leader Baykal announced that his party supports current speaker Köksal Toptan remaining in the post. Rumor has it that this announcement was made to show, beforehand, opposition to the possible candidacy of Justice Minister Mehmet Ali Şahin. Only time will tell how this will affect Şahin's potential candidacy.

An important segment of AK Party deputies think the race will be between Şahin and Salih Kapusuz, although none of the candidates have so far been officially nominated. While the chances are narrowing for Burhan Kuzu and Hüseyin Çelik, along with the surprise name Cemil Çiçek have been added the equally surprising Beşir Atalay and Nimet Çubukçu.