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February 12, 2012
 
 
 
 
 
 
Columnists 15 November 2006, Wednesday 0 0 0 0
EKREM DUMANLI
e.dumanli@todayszaman.com

A Politician's Final Exam

Tens of thousands attended the funeral of Bulent Ecevit, who made his mark on the last 50 years of Turkish political life. Almost every political faction was there. In fact, even those who had fought with each other in the past gathered together around Ecevit’s coffin. This scene should be read correctly. It is very obvious that the deceased, like every human being, did some things right and some things wrong. At times he was heavily criticized for the things he did and said. There were political and economic crises during his terms. Sometimes anger overflowed into the streets. Even the masses who said, “Dark Boy is our hope,” lost hope during certain periods. In spite of everything, the people flocked to his grave. In one way, they forgave his mistakes; in another, they attributed them to the necessities of this conjecture in time. Why?

Because even in his mistakes Bulent Ecevit was a sincere politician. He didn’t do anyone wrong with the intention of doing so. Even in his mistakes traces of the way he was raised and his view on life could be seen. People look at him tolerantly today because of that sincerity. At the same time he was courageous. He escaped a number of assassination attempts and physical attacks, but he didn’t see escape as the solution. On the contrary, he stood his ground and shouted with all his might what he believed.

He was a man of reconciliation. Even if his powerful style of speaking presented an obstinate and belligerent portrait, he gave importance to social solidarity. The high level of tension that pervaded Turkey during certain periods undoubtedly affected him as well. However, he wanted social reconciliation, not perennial tension. He made a coalition with the National Salvation Party (MSP) at the most inappropriate time and shared power with MSP leader Necmettin Erbakan. Without doubt, the treatment he received after the Sept.12 coup wounded him very deeply, but he devoted himself to reading during the days when he remained outside of politics. As he put Ottoman history under a magnifying glass, Ecevit rethought Sufism during those years and made progress toward spiritual depth that would lead to inner enrichment. His forming a coalition with the National People’s Party (MHP) during his last term of office and his sharing power in spite of the harsh opposition within his own party are expressions of Ecevit’s search for reconciliation.

The courage he displayed regarding Fethullah Gulen hardly has an equal in our political history. Just as he didn’t bow to the psychological pressure of the media lynching begun by a group calling itself the “deep-throat government,” he didn’t give in to the operation that was desired to be put into effect by means of the government. This was not only the behavior of an experienced statesman, but the brave stand of an intellectual at the same time. After listening to tape cassettes that had been prepared on the splicing tables and which, consequently, were disconnected in both meaning and address, he was sure enough of himself to be able to say to the face of postmodern coup-makers that his opinion had not changed. He was brave enough to visit Turkish schools in foreign countries in spite of the great negative and meaningless pressure not to. And he was cool-blooded and balanced enough to say to the media executioners: “The country has very high priorities; these are artificial ones. And it’s necessary to listen to the other side.”

Everyone who wanted to drown him in a spoon of water during his life emphasizes only one facet of Ecevit. That’s wrong! With his populist mentality, reconciliatory culture, and democratic tolerance, Ecevit was not the prototype of a single mold. This was not in order to appear likable in everyone’s eyes, but in order to be able to embrace everyone, at least, to be able to understand them. He was a political leader who didn’t compromise on secularism. This situation didn’t prevent him from adding the statement, “Freedom of belief is the individual’s inalienable right,” to the People’s Republic Party (CHP) program in 1976. In spite of the leftist opposition to religion, he said, “I’m on the side of secularism and I’m at peace with religion,” thus destroying the Berlin Wall that the Left had built between itself and the people. He was sincere in his love for Ataturk - and in his belief that Vahdettin was not a traitor. However much he was tied to the values of the Republic, he respected Ottoman history. The different portraits of Ecevit are not a fault for him, but a virtue. For this reason, tens of thousands of people said farewell to him with love and forbearance because what was being said farewell to was sincerity and courage. I wonder how many politicians will be blessed with a farewell like this.

Columnists Previous articles of the columnist
15 November 2006
A Politician's Final Exam
7 November 2006
From our 20th Year, Looking at the Next 20 Years
27 October 2006
Perspectives on the Violence in Kazakhstan
18 October 2006
When NGOs are Feared
9 October 2006
The Prime Minister's Historical Call
3 October 2006
Confidence Renewed
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The Danger of Radicalism
29 July 2006
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