The latest developments in the plot and coup cases, the constitutional reform package and the İlhan Cihaner, Dursun Çiçek, Hrant Dink and Cemal Temizöz cases show that the deep state and Ergenekon have not been incapacitated yet.
Actors within the deep state are making attempts to ensure that the cases are finalized with as little damage as possible to their interests, as few convictions as possible and without the cases revealing the identities of those directing the plots and killings.
The top judiciary is willing to sacrifice all its remaining credibility to save their system of tutelage. In cancelling parts of the constitutional reform package before it has gone to public referendum the Constitutional Court has, ironically, gone beyond the role assigned to it by the Constitution. Instead of checking the package and making recommendations about procedural issues, it went into the content of the package, which is beyond its remit. Although this was against the current constitution, there seems to be nothing the government can do, no other institution that can resolve this blockage or mediate this clash.
Now there is an attempt by the military prosecutor’s office to derail on ridiculous grounds the criminal case against Col. Çiçek. A new indictment prepared by the military states that a suspected military plot prepared against the Justice and Development Party (AK Party) and the faith-inspired Gülen movement is authentic and is the product of the currently remanded Col. Çiçek. Yet, not so long ago, Chief of General Staff Gen. İlker Başbuğ was appearing in television and media interviews, trying to influence the case, stating his belief that such a plan did not exist, had not been prepared by someone in the General Staff, especially not by one under his command and in his department, sharing the same floor with the chief of General Staff. According to Başbuğ, the plot had been made up by some circles as asymmetric propaganda; it was not based on any tangible evidence but on a fake “piece of paper.” So this is a real about-face from the military.
The military prosecutor’s indictment of Çiçek, which has now been approved by the General Staff Military Court, says exactly the opposite of what the military said before. Now Çiçek has turned out to be a treacherous schemer who prepared and leaked the document to the press in revenge for not being promoted to the rank of admiral at the Supreme Military Council (YAŞ) in 2007. They themselves are asking for Çiçek to be punished for abusing his authority and harming superior-subordinate relations and thus discrediting the Turkish Armed Forces (TSK).
Yet, how many times in the last year have we seen Başbuğ and his office unleash their vituperation towards civilians and civic society groups in military theatrical presentations and ludicrous remarks? How many of these allegations also represent the reverse of the truth?
We see the same mentality and attitude in other ongoing cases about the deep state and Ergenekon terror organization, which aimed to topple the government and replace civilian rule in Turkey. This quite astonishing new military indictment claims that Erzincan Chief Public Prosecutor Cihaner had no connection to naval officer Çiçek’s plot but is an unwitting “victim” of Çiçek’s. Against the Constitution and all legal norms and tradition, the appeals court has combined the case and released Cihaner, who is suspected of being second-in-command in Ergenekon.
Efforts go on to release Cihaner and others accused of plots and military coup plans; attempts continue to stall the prosecution of cases in process; military figures do not cease to express their opinions and attempt to influence the judiciary before they draw up charges or complete trials.
And now this latest indictment submitted to a military court, demanding Çiçek’s imprisonment for up to six years and his expulsion from the military for abuse of power, is a farcical endeavor to pre-empt the enactment of justice in civilian courts. What and who is now undermining the Turkish military, judiciary, democracy and the future of a nation and state?
Are these just the natural contractions and labor pains presaging the birth of democracy and constitutional reform? We were hoping to be greeted in the maternity ward by kindly competent midwives and a highly qualified specialist who came to the birthing room to ease the baby’s way and reassure us. Instead the room has been invaded by loud-voiced men in the uniforms of soldiers bearing arms, judges and prosecutors. Is this just a nightmare from which we will wake up to the auspicious light of a new morning? Are we going to see a safe delivery, or will the uniformed goblins snatch our fair child and lock her away in a high tower somewhere, never to be seen again?
