A year ago, the government had correctly diagnosed the Kurdish problem, admitted that erroneous state policies in the past had largely contributed to the conflict and promised a different approach. But in spite of his frank and brave assessment, the prime minister, faced with doubters within his own party and howls of outrage from the opposition, hesitated and failed to follow up with a concrete roadmap.Today, the problem is once again perceived as one of terrorism, security and border control. Unless serious political action is taken rapidly to prevent the sounds of weapons from drowning out calls for political dialogue, the hopelessness and frustration created by unmet promises risks spiraling out of control.
The martial language used in political circles and in the media these days may reflect the genuine emotions triggered by untimely and violent deaths, but it is also designed to stir nationalist sentiments and promotes a black and white image of the situation, which leaves out many shades of the reality on the ground. Analysis of the complex Kurdish conflict cannot be reduced to unhelpful slogans: “martyrs are immortal, the nation indivisible,” “terrorists are rendered ineffective” and “Turkey will never surrender,” as politicians look around for outsiders -- the EU, Israel? -- to blame.
The fraught situation in the Southeast has of course been exploited by outside powers in the past quarter of a century, but the roots of the problem are deeply entrenched here in Turkey and it is in this country that they have to be addressed first and foremost.
How many political opportunities have been squandered over the years? The situation in the Southeast improved after the state of emergency was lifted, but Turkey failed to seize the chance presented by the five-year unilateral Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) cease-fire that followed Abdullah Öcalan’s arrest in 1999. The absence of clashes during this period was interpreted as a license to shelve the Kurdish issue.
In fact, the authorities had merely replaced the lid on a pot that was still on the boil, and which today has begun spilling over. The democratic opening announced last year not only failed to produce concrete results, but the government’s unwillingness to engage with Kurdish politicians -- many of whom, it has to be acknowledged, proved very inflexible and did not contribute to create a favorable environment -- has caused major disillusion.
Kurds have benefited from limited cultural reforms introduced in recent years in the context of Turkey’s EU accession project, but Ankara always sought to impose a solution on its own terms.
Over the past few months, many of the safety valves that allowed Kurds to express dissenting views have been gradually closed, starting with the dissolution of the Democratic Society Party (DTP) in December of last year, which removed Ahmet Türk, a moderate and well-respected politician, from the political scene. This counterproductive move was followed by the arrest of over 1,000 people said to be linked to the Kurdish Communities Union (KCK) and a growing number of court cases against Kurdish editors or journalists reporting on the Kurdish issue.
The last blow to the authorities’ credibility was the arrest of former militants whose return from northern Iraq last year was hailed as an important confidence-building measure.
With their arrest, the last shred of trust was torn. Rebuilding it in an atmosphere now further poisoned by the PKK’s latest attacks will require political courage and determination. The Justice and Development Party (AK Party) cannot afford to give up. Aside from the risk of ethnic conflagration, allowing security and terrorism issues to dominate the agenda can only increase the power of the military, whose tutelage the government has been trying to shake off.
A new constitution that offers broader individual freedoms and redefines citizenship in a non-ethnic way would offer part, but not all, of the solution. The government faces the difficult task of balancing the need for bold political moves with nationalist calls for tougher action against armed militants. Toning down the rhetoric to create more suitable ground for reform would be a good place to start. The Kurdish opening has not failed: It has yet to begin in earnest.
