The tutelary regime has three support structures: statist parties, the judiciary and the media. From the outset, the main pier was the media, or the press. I must note that if there were no Taraf newspaper or alternative media today, or if they were the quintet of Hürriyet, Sabah, Milliyet, ATV and Star of the Feb. 28 process, those who were untouchable would never have been touched. There would be no Ergenekon case. If today we can nurture hopes for democracy, we are indebted to the bold and free media, not the intimidated, scared media that submits to the tutelage. We owe it to the brave men who replaced the “cosmic guys.” The collective courage seen in politics, the judiciary, the police and civil society promises us a new Turkey.
The media performed the worst during the Feb. 28 test. The military, which failed to conduct a physical coup, disparaged and humiliated politics, the media, democracy and human rights. Dinç Bilgin is living witness to those bad days.
Bilgin became the boss of a newspaper as a family business. He came to own the Sabah newspaper and the ATV station during the Feb. 28 process. He was also the owner of one of two major distribution companies. When he tried to get his share from what he calls “booty-sharing” during the Feb. 28 process and acquired a bank, he was forced to leave the media sector.
The interview he gave to Neşe Düzel of Taraf is a piece of documentary evidence for the reality of the media in Turkey. I can summarize what he said as follows:
“We could not criticize the military, but bickered with the politicians. The press grew so strong that it could negotiate during the government formation process. It was able to appoint some ministers. At that time, the media made alliances with the military. Tapes came to ATV. [ATV anchorman] Ali Kırca appeared on screen and suddenly his tone changed.
Governments were very weak. At that time, the media made alliances with the military and the judiciary. These alliances gave the press a power over the government it should not have. The media might have been able to raise its voice against the Feb. 28 process, but it was a very difficult task. Had it done so, it would have suffered from a number of troubles. There were threats. You know about the politically motivated murders. [Çetin Emeç, Abdi İpekçi, Uğur Mumcu and others were all murdered.]
“Turkey went through very unpleasant days during the Feb. 28 process. Çevik Bir [a powerful commander who led the Feb. 28 process] and his assistant Erol Kasnak started to invite the media bosses to the General Staff. I received invitations from the General Staff telling me to come on a specific date. And so I went to the General Staff several times, accompanied by the editor-in-chief or my son or alone. The papers ran the same headlines during the Feb. 28 process because they received instructions from the same source. For example, news stories about Aczmendis [a religious group distinguished by their clothing and extremist views] were sent from the same place to Hürriyet, Milliyet, ATV and Star.
“If the old forms of media relations were applicable, it would be impossible to continue the investigations into Ergenekon or the Sledgehammer [Balyoz] action plan. Bosses can sense agents disguised as journalists. At that time, ignoring them suited us. We thought we might use those journalists in the future.”
Bilgin’s words end here. This is the reality as it concerns the media in Turkey. Many people in the media work as agents for military intelligence, the National Intelligence Organization (MİT) or police intelligence units. Let me go one step further. Above these journalists are the “cosmic journalists,” columnists and editors-in-chief. These are the privileged, protected, promoted and respected men of the tutelary regime. They are the important ones. Don’t you wonder who they are? Don’t you wish to see how many of them are on the lists of journalists who can be used as found in the Sledgehammer documents?
