Thus, it came out that the coup plan prepared in 2003, also containing various provocative action plans, brought to the country’s agenda by the Taraf newspaper, was true. The most striking detail about the latest detentions and arrests was that two generals, both of whom were on active duty, were arrested, and the majority of admirals who had retired last year faced the same fate.The military’s reactions to the latest detentions and arrests imply an air of retreat. Yes, the military is retreating. It seems that the military also accepts the coup attempt as an offense that must be prosecuted. To this day, coup attempts have never been regarded as an actual offense. Now, no member of the military can rest assured that he will not be detained or arrested in the future if he attempts to overthrow the government. With the latest arrests, the last nails are being hammered into the coffin of the tradition of overthrowing governments. And it appears the funeral will be conducted properly and with the participation of the military.
Mass resignation option
This possibility, voiced by retired Adm. Atilla Kıyat, is being discussed widely among members of the military, a fact that tells us much about the general mood of the institution. There is no option of a mass resignation of all generals. But the fact that this option is on the agenda and being debated implies that the military has completely lost its initiative. Resignation is a type of passive resistance. It does no befit the dignity and seriousness of the military profession to deprive an army of its commanders while that army is supposed to be ready to fight at any moment. Even worse, such a resignation would make the existence of commanding generals nonsense. Turkey is not at war. Could a mass resignation of commanders weaken Turkey’s ability to fight against an external threat? After the military coup of May 27, 1960, 235 generals were forced into retirement, and only 15 generals were left behind to perform their functions. Today, the number of generals who would disapprove of a mass resignation should be much higher.
The situation should be evaluated repeatedly. Turkey’s current laws were implemented by its judiciary in order to prevent its armed forces from engaging in illegal affairs. This further assured us that the attempted coup offense will not go unpunished, thereby reinforcing our security. Now, when the wife of a general tells him to “take action,” that general will be able to resist the temptation by reminding her of these arrests.
The prosecutors are investigating the offense of “attempting to overthrow the government of the Turkish Republic through coercion and violence.” The courts are arresting retired and active duty generals and other military officers in connection with these claims. The plans, including bombing mosques, arranging the shooting down of our own warplane, bombing a submarine in a museum and planting weapons in the houses of religiously observant individuals implies using “coercion and violence.”
Who is subversive?
Some of the information collected by the prosecutors conducting the Ergenekon investigation indicates that this offense of an attempted coup is the work of a widespread coalition of groups that seem to be incompatible with one another. This information should have baffled the General Staff as well. For instance, the group, which was allegedly prepared to assassinate several admirals, tends to label the General Staff as “pro-American,” “collaborative,” “pro-free market” and “irregular,” and this group has ties with the extremist leftist organization Revolutionary Headquarters, which points to serious security defects for the military.
Those who were taken into custody in the same bag under the Ergenekon investigation should be classified further. At the peak of the power game, the commanding generals had planned to overthrow the government by moving the pawns back and forth. The Aydınlık group -- a nationalist leftwing media group -- represents the military extensions of the Dugin-like pro-Eurussia (not pro-Eurasia) groups that contacted the subversive generals during the Feb. 28 process. The MAK group (specially trained elite troops), who had taken great risks in fighting against the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), but who now feel forlorn, accounts for a vein that is completely different from the previous groups. This group has the skills to lay the groundwork for an eventual military takeover. The civilian extensions of the Special Warfare Department should be assessed as another group.
This scene has increasingly become clear, and the General Staff and all responsible military officers should read it correctly. The military’s long-established ambitions to exert tutelary roles on politics have created many black holes and dark areas within the military. These dark areas, immune to internal hierarchical control mechanisms, have been fostering criminal networks and groups that mastermind conspiracies against the interests of the country. The lack of inspection conducted by civilian authorities on the military has rendered the internal hierarchical control ineffective.
But no one should worry as the documents and evidence that were made public now occupy the top position on the military’s agenda. You may be assured that members of the military who would say, “The military should govern the country,” are now starting to think about everything from scratch. The point of no return has already been passed. The permanent institutional arrangements that will keep the military away from politics will be made. Now, a coup is no longer a happy dream, but a ghastly nightmare.
Baykal’s critical role
Republican People’s Party (CHP) leader Deniz Baykal’s demagogic analogy comes from British political culture: “If the milkman rings your door in the morning, then it is democracy; but if you say, ‘Oh my God, they came,’ then it is no longer democracy.” It is the police who rang the door, and those who were detained are accused of attempting to overthrow the government. This analogy, voiced by Baykal during a meeting of his party’s parliamentary group, should have continued as follows: “These detentions are conducted so that you can go and get your milk safely when your door rings at four o’clock in the morning.” This is the correct reasoning, isn’t it? Who else can it be that would ring your door bell early in the morning and put a gun to your head other than subversive military officers?
In the debate about military coups, the leader of the CHP openly supports retreating coup instigators. In his defense, he offers as a pretext that “they actually developed a project against the coup in connection with a military exercise in 2003.” The heart of his defense is this: “Seven years have passed, and no coup was staged. So why are you detaining these guys?” He clearly volunteers to defend the subversive generals and their coup plans as if he were part of that subversive staff or served as their press officer.
This defense that demolishes Baykal’s logic system should be construed as the collapse of the groups that are sympathetic to subversive generals. The question, “Why are you investigating a coup attempt that occurred seven years ago?” is just the story of this collapse.
The latest developments that urge the military to retreat show that the last nails in the coffin have been hammered in really well. Now, coups are no longer possible. We can be sure that military officers who saw the arrested generals on TV screens have been convinced that coups are an offense that they should avoid. The battle between subversive generals and democratic power has been won by democracy. A peace treaty should now be signed, and the beaten army should be restructured according to the requirements of democracy. As winners will set the conditions for peace, you can rest assured that the coffin will be buried very deep.
