The writers of the history of democratization in Turkey will devote a special page to the date Nov. 11, 2009. This is the day when a fresh new start was made. A few days ago, the prime minister said on a TV program that the military judiciary should consider the forensic report and that the original signature will resolve the problem.The key is the problem in civilian-military relations. The indictments prepared for the Ergenekon case, the memo documents, the military interventions since the May 27, 1960 coup, the Feb. 28, 1997 process and the memos posted on the General Staff’s Web site before the presidential elections are all signs of this problem. Actually, the controversy over the signature is meaningful because it points out the fact that the pro-junta actors are now in a defensive mode. The juntas are illegal structures outside of the regular military. These juntas, which claim the right to rule over the civilian administration, are now appalled because they had enjoyed a lack of accountability before the judicial system for the last six decades. They are just not prepared for this. They were so sure that they would go unpunished this time as well that they did not hesitate to sign antidemocratic papers and documents. They were totally unprepared this time. The mistake they made is not one a well-trained military officer would ever commit. However, they have committed consecutive mistakes because of a state of panic.
Consider their situation; the information on the Web sites was in the second letter from the informant, but they did not deny the allegations. They argued that they had operated these sites upon instructions from the Prime Ministry. They thought they could put the blame on the Justice and Development Party (AK Party). Prime Ministry immediately issued a statement noting that they had scanned the instructions but found no such document in their archives. The General Staff’s Web site posted a brief note arguing that the instruction was forwarded in 2000. This time the Prime Ministry requested the exact number and date of the document. There has still been no answer. All this is actually an insult to the honor and intelligence of the military profession. This state of despair, which undermines the image and prestige of the Turkish Armed Forces (TSK), is now pushing the limits of patience. Nobody has the right to erode the image and honor of the military.
It is now time to base civilian-military relations on a healthy footing and remove all barriers to democratization. The prime minister is right; there is no room for emotion in this business. We cannot put trust in people’s assurances. We need legal assurances rather than the general’s reassurances. We need to remove the military guardianship over the civilian administration. The nation does not want a military eager to topple the civilian administrations elected by popular vote. We do not want civil servants or officials who insult national values and declare our people to be the enemy. We do not want civil servants and public officials who stage a psychological war against their own citizens. Those who want to declare innocent people as terrorists by staging plots against them should be held accountable, and their era of domination should come to an end.
Yes, we need legal assurances; the legal assurances should include the subordination of the TSK to the Ministry of Defense in the final phase of the EU membership bid. The legal assurances should include the introduction of a new mechanism that will allow the scrutiny of the military and the Council of State by the State Inspection Board. Nobody should enjoy privileges before the law. All should be held accountable and be inspected. The legal assurance should include the removal of the provisions of the military code allowing military interventions. Nothing will be the same in Turkey after Çiçek’s trial.
