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February 12, 2012
 
 
 
 
 
 
Columnists 18 August 2009, Tuesday 0 0 0 0
ALİ BULAÇ
a.bulac@todayszaman.com

Kurdish problem

The first thought that comes to mind when you hear the phrase “Kurdish problem” is that it refers to “a problem that Kurds living in Turkey face.” The most important dimension of the problem is cultural. Kurds were a partner in nation-states that were established in the first quarter of the 20th century. But during the making of national identities, they were deprived of opportunities to freely express their own.

To a certain extent this stemmed from the nature of the newly founded nation-states, which had no connection or resemblance to the traditional state forms and models. The modern nation-state was a political concept, and the historical claims and fundamental assertions that formed the basis for this concept envisioned only one identity, prohibiting all other identities from expressing themselves in the public sphere.

People from other ethnicities were expected to express themselves within the set official identity. In Turkey the official identity was set as the “Turkish identity.” Similarly, in Iraq the Arab identity and in Iran the Persian identity became the standard. Naturally this process led to the emergence of various tensions.

The problem was not just political or legal but economic as well. Ethnic groups that did not fit the description of the official identity were deemed to be a potential threat and the region in which they lived was not economically protected. Development programs that were launched in the first quarter of the last century did not view this region as a suitable place for investment and employment. Those who reckon there was a conscious preference not to invest in the region are actually not exaggerating the situation. The main justification for the lack of investment in border regions has been the occasional attack by hostile neighbors. However, this justification has very little credibility, at least for the eastern and southeastern regions.

From the very beginning, 90 percent of investments have always been directed to the western region. Historically, the wealth of the region is linked to the existing close trade relations with Syria (Aleppo-Damascus), Iraq (Mosul-Baghdad, Arbil-Kirkuk) and Iran (Tabriz), which didn't come across any customs barriers when trading with each other.

Tight controls, heavy taxes and known and unknown prohibitions that came with the drawing of national boundaries not only impoverished the region but also opened up a gap between the region and other regions and caused disproportionate and sudden migrations that had heavy social costs.

The other dimension of the problem is political. When people want to address their problems through legitimate ways, they encounter politics. Another name for addressing demands through legitimate and free ways is called “positive politics.” The method that is applied when legitimate roads are blocked is called “negative politics.” This is one of the most important factors that lead to the emergence of violence and terror. When people can't communicate their demands through politics that doesn't necessarily mean there is no problem. When demands are mentioned for the first time, the problems are immediately pushed outside the realm of politics, and an issue that would have otherwise not been a problem becomes a serious problem, blocking the future of the nation.

The terror and violence that began in 1984 has kept the regional people between two fires. Harsh assimilation policies were implemented, especially during the Sept. 12, 1980 coup, such as changing village and district names and prohibiting families from naming their children any name they wanted. These practices aggravated the Kurdish problem, and the problem evolved into its present stage.

Certainly, this weakness of Turkey quickly drew the attention of foreign countries. As a result of flawed definitions and policies, a suitable setting for manipulation emerged. The Kurdish problem was turned into an international problem and foreign states systematically became secretly or openly involved in it.

However, what should have happened first was that Turkey should have shown an effective intention to solve the problem inside the country. But such an environment, which was available for many years, eventually disappeared, and many opportunities were lost.

When we look at developments on the regional scale today, we still see that the ground on which to build peace is being eroded, and it is almost as if there is a distancing from finding a real solution. Aside from conceptual frameworks extracted from the West, we are in need of new intellectual analyses. One solution that applies to one society may not apply to another. Today is a new day, and we need new concepts and new styles of approach.

The current government has made a declaration of its political will to solve the problem despite the existence of discouraging factors.

Columnists Previous articles of the columnist
18 August 2009
Kurdish problem
14 August 2009
Provocation over population
11 August 2009
Do we possess reason? (2)
7 August 2009
Do we possess reason? (1)
4 August 2009
On tolerance
31 July 2009
Turkey is advancing in the right way
28 July 2009
Major capital and politics
24 July 2009
What the periphery expects from politics
21 July 2009
The codes of politics
17 July 2009
The key to politics in Turkey
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