In the past, Mr. Özkök had been criticized for not taking action against the abortive Sarıkız (Blond Girl), Ayışığı (Moonlight), Yakamoz (Sea Sparkle) and Eldiven (Glove) coups although he knew about them during his time in office. In his statement, he responds to this criticism, saying he could not take any action since he lacked sufficient evidence.Özkök's statement will soon give rise to the issue of trying the coup plotters within the scope of the Ergenekon case. In other words, the real trial will start with the third indictment. Imagine the moment when a former chief of general staff testifies in court. Think about what other previously unknown facts will become known to the public. We frequently reiterate that the Ergenekon case is an irrevocable process. Those who refuse to accept this fact will be further cornered with the bitter realization of their eventual defeat, feeling ashamed. Recall the story of a hunter I told in a recent article of mine. The hunter shoots the prey so imperceptibly that the prey thinks that it has not been hit and continues to run for about 200 meters before falling to the ground. Some of the groups who still lend support to Ergenekon defendants are like this prey.
Mr. Özkök did not refute the news story published in the Star newspaper, according to which he said to the Ergenekon prosecutors, "You launched an investigation that no one would dare in the history of Turkey." In return, the prosecutors said to him, "And here you will make historic statements."
Like many people, I find it rather significant that Republican People's Party (CHP) leader Deniz Baykal has not commented on Mr. Özkök's statement. Also, Baykal's silence about the six lieutenants who were arrested on charges of plotting the assassination of their admirals is significant as well.
Mr. Özkök's verification of the coup plots and the arrest of the six lieutenants tell us the bitter truth about the Turkish Armed Forces (TSK). The impression is that the TSK is now fragmented. Why is it that the commanders to whom this nation has provided all sorts of facilities and support cannot suffice with what they already have, but attempt to rule the country leaving aside their primary duties? Why do they lie to their superiors or their commanders-in-chief? Why do they humiliate or make fun of them and try to undermine them? Why do they stray so easily away from the rule of law?
For a number of days, the general public has been trying to understand why a lieutenant would plot against his commanders. Who are those who created a furious person out of a newly graduated young and successful officer? Those who underestimate the command centers within the TSK, don't they think about what sort of threat we are facing? The connection between these command centers or Karargah houses -- where military cadets allegedly teach the ideology of Ergenekon to other cadets -- and certain civilians, doesn't it tell us the bitter truth that the dreams of overthrowing the government are still alive inside the TSK?
This propensity for coups must be eradicated from the TSK. The noble and democratic stance adopted by Özkök says that the TSK has the will to do this. It is this determination that will put an end to the resistance we observed at the judiciary against democratization. Indeed, the Supreme Board of Judges and Prosecutors' (HSYK) recent unbelievably daring attempt was encouraged by messages sent to this board from the TSK.
Actually, there is a confrontation of boldness over the Ergenekon case. The courage of those who advocate democratization is pitted against that of the groups who seek to maintain military guardianship. The proponents of democratization won the confrontation at the recent HSYK crisis. The pioneering role of alternative media organizations as well as the support the general public lent to the government combined to beat the advocates of guardianship. Yet, their resistance has something to tell us. They are in a perfect panic. They are beginning to understand that they have lost.
Soon will they collapse.
