The Iraqi parliament elected the speaker and deputy speakers at a time when the perceptions in the Turkish foreign policy are focused on the changes in Kyrgyzstan and on the European Union (EU) front. Since the parliament will function as a "constitutional assembly," the speaker and deputy speakers will wield plenty of influence. Hence, the reality of Hajim al-Hassani, a Sunni Arab, being elected speaker sounds more meaningful.
Hassani was industry minister in the Iyad Allawi administration, which was the government before the elections and is still continuimg its duties. Hassani, who holds a doctorate degree in agriculture and natural resource management from the University of Connecticut in the United States, was indeed the deputy chairman of the Iraqi Islamic Party (IIP). Shuttling back and forth between Los Angeles and London during the last 10 years, Hassani developed good relations with the Shiite opposition during this period. Like all London-based opposition groups, he also opposed the war option, but the Americans convinced him. He even supported the Abu Ghraib oddness during the early days. When his party withdrew from government, in protest against the US army's operation in Felluce (Fallujah), he preferred to sever ties with his party rather than leave the ministry.
That Hassani preferred to leave the Iraqi Islamic Party, where he was also a co-chairman with Muhsin Abd Al-Hamid, pretty much describes his mindset. But the reality that he was once a member of the administrative board of the party portrays his mindset as well. The IIP was established as an extension of the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood movement in 1960. The party declared that it did not have any organic links with the Muslim Brotherhood during the period when the movement was banned from all four corners of the Arab world and the Baath ideology, constructed upon Arab socialist nationalism, perceived Islamic trends as a threat. However, everyone was aware that the party was at least in touch with the intellectual cadres of the Muslim Brotherhood. When the party, which had been driven underground after 1991 revolts, opened offices in the US and London, the Muslim Brotherhood wasted no time in communicating with its supporters in these countries. Hence, the reality of Hassani joining Allawi's government as the representative of an Islamic party is significant, however, his being excluded from his own party and accused of being a traitor, is significant as well. It is obvious that electing Hassani as speaker of Iraq's parliament was aimed at averting criticisms in world public opinion, about "Sunnis not being represented in the constitutional assembly," rather than pacifying the Sunni base in Iraq.
Another development as interesting as Hassani being elected speaker, was electing Hussain al-Shahristani, who prepared the common list that was victorious in the elections, as deputy speaker of parliament. Electing Shahristani, whose name was even mentioned for the prime minister's job in a way seems to indicate that the determining power will not be the executive but the legislative. The occupation gives authority to those who compete for top positions, and influence to its own puppets it can keep under control.
The reality that Hassani was elected for this job shows that it might serve as a balancing element for the Sunni community, whether or not it delivers the message of the establishment of a regime that will protect minority rights to the world or gives the impression that Shiite and Kurdish leaders are not willing to snatch one of their opponent's most critical posts -- the speaker of parliament. Turkey's policy on Iraq should be comprehensive, for the Sunnis as well as for the Turkmen, whose presence is not really being felt.
April 4, 2005
London
