It is not difficult to examine the signature and attain the correct information. If it is proven that the signature belongs to the colonel, who works as a branch director (in psychological warfare) at the Information Support Department at the General Staff headquarters, there are two possibilities that must be further investigated. The first possibility is that this document was prepared illegally by a group of people who are not located within the chain of command and that Col. Çiçek is a member of this illegal network. The second possibility is that the document was prepared upon instruction from the higher ranks in accordance with the established procedures. If the document is authentic, this second possibility has greater merit. Indeed, assuming that the document was prepared illegally, it is very unlikely for an experienced staff colonel to undersign it while stating his title and position and initialing every page. If he really did, this is like recording a bribe one takes. Under normal conditions, such mad conspiracies and plots are not expected to have records. To prepare the document in this manner is normally done only with the public servant mentality and upon written instructions from a higher-ranking officer, and such documents are signed. Who will be held responsible?
In this case, the Action Plan to Fight Reactionaryism will be an "official" product of the institutional hierarchy of the Turkish Armed Forces (TSK). But, who will be held responsible? Such an "official" document cannot be prepared without explicit orders or instructions from the deputy chief of general staff who is in charge of the headquarters. In this case, the deputy chief of general staff will automatically be held responsible for the document. Moreover, the head of the Information Support Department, positioned between the colonel and the deputy chief of general staff in the hierarchy, too, will be held directly responsible for the document. And the chief of general staff, who deems it an insult to be asked, "Did you give such instructions?" will be indirectly held responsible for failing to sufficiently supervise the lower echelons of the hierarchy and prevent his subordinates from committing crimes with institutional protection.
This "official" document is not a report or proposal, but an "action plan." Then, the following stages must have been gone through in its preparation. First, a decision must have been made to interfere with politics and society. The military decides to take the reins and regulate the political sphere according to its own preferences. Since it is customary to use regime protection as a pretext for such plans, this current plan can safely be called a "plan to protect the regime." First, the regime should be portrayed as in danger before it can be saved. Such a decision should be developed into a main plan. Then, at least five action plans that would list the methods to be employed and the things that must be done in line with this main plan would be needed. The first and most important plan is the "plan to fight reactionaryism," which was disclosed. Other action plans possibly include a "political action plan" that would aim to create political parties as alternatives to the Justice and Development Party (AK Party) and an action plan to fight separatism that basically deals with the Kurdish issue. Another action plan might be one that attempts to mobilize the judiciary against the AK Party. There might also be other plans to address businessmen and the media.
In this case, these preparations should be regarded not as a "military coup" but as an "intervention" plan that aims to pave the way for a coup through gradual efforts. The person who had the document and the place where it was seized should be part of this plot. The plan implies that there is an organization with members who will perform the actions conspired. This organization is capable of conducting all sorts of illegal activities, ranging from media manipulation to the provocation of men in the streets. If this document is authentic, then doesn't this document tell us that there really is such a criminal organization? We cannot deny the fact that this plan is intended as an "Exodus from Ergenekon" and that it is closely connected to the Ergenekon network. Moreover, shouldn't we assume that this connection has an "institutional" aspect and that there are organic ties between those who are responsible for this action plan and the members of Ergenekon? The place where the document was seized is as important as the headquarters where it was prepared. The question, "Why was the document found in the office of that lawyer?" has one answer: "For the implementation of the actions specified in the document."
If the document is not authentic...
What does a fake document imply? As stressed by political party leaders, and particularly the prime minister, if the document is found to be a fake, this is also scandalous. In the first place, this implies that there is a center that is capable of organizing such a high profile act of forgery. Who can those be? Before answering this question, the following question must be asked: What might be the purpose of this fake document? To undermine the reliability of the military in the eyes of the general public and to discredit the AK Party and religious communities. Yet, is it possible to ensure this using such a fake document? The following questions must be asked in succession. Is the TSK unprotected against the damage a fake document, which is presented as prepared by the military, might do against it? Here is another question. Given that counterintelligence is a very critical military capability, how can it not be possible to prove a simple document is a fake given a long period of time? If the document is a fake, is it difficult to ensure that the colonel makes public statements or at least testifies to civilian prosecutors? Why is there an attempt to create an obscure sphere protected by the military judiciary? If the document is a fake, why was it seized in the office of an Ergenekon lawyer?
Here is another and more important question: If the document is found to be a fake, who will be the winners and losers? The answer to this question will give us hints about whether it is authentic or not. Assuming that the document eventually proves to be fake, those who take the document seriously, but not the TSK, will end up at a disadvantage. Then, if the document is fake, in the final analysis, we can conclude that it was prepared in order to reinforce the image of the military. Then, the purpose of those who prepared that fake document and planted it in the office of an Ergenekon lawyer should be to get the results obtained after the document is proven fake. In such a case, can the fake document still be considered "official"?
The glorious TSK, as an institution that must know about all sorts of threats against the country, should be able to overcome such fake attempts against it. Then, it should prove that the document is fake, and then, it should find out who prepared it. Let us go back to the beginning. If the document is authentic, we all have duties to perform. Turkey has a dark and filthy history that is left in obscurity. If the document is authentic, then we will open the door to this history. We should start by facing this history and build a new future on it.
