Then, I was told anxiously that a new rumor was spreading in Ankara. A new closure case was being prepared against the ruling Justice and Development Party (AK Party).Aghast, I could not help but ask, “For doing what?”
He did not really know, but added, carefully, that there was a hint that Kurdish policies, if and when implemented, would drag the governing party into the web of a new judicial process.
I responded that I found it unbelievable that such a counter-development would be expected at all. I counted all that factors that per se refute thoughts of a new legal plot. It is, particularly after the local elections, against the “zeitgeist.”
But, something of that sort always leaves a trace behind: You simply do not have the luxury of acting naively in Turkey. Be watchful, keep your mind stable and healthy and always be ready for surprises.
The motto remains the same, unless one witnesses the usage of the same language and total restraint for the irrational.
How is one to read the recent ruling of a provincial court in Ankara? It declared that the “suspect” -- i.e., the president of Turkey -- should stand trial in an old fraud case. The court ruling followed Abdullah Gül's statements -- the latest in a series on the same subject over the past few months, but much more clear than any of the previous ones -- about a solution to the bloody Kurdish conflict.
But, is this -- if not an isolated ruling -- solely related to Gül's stance on the Kurdish conflict?
“Turkey is a country that overcame the 367 quorum hogwash; it will certainly overcome this one,” Kerim Balcı commented yesterday in this paper, pointing to a bigger picture and hinting at a strategic outlook.
“Under the current Constitution, the president is a key figure in the appointment of top judges and prosecutors. The Sincan court is trying to create an aura of unreliability around the personality of the president. This will, of course, put a question mark next to his appointments. I am not aware of any critical appointments to be made to the Constitutional Court or to the Council of State in the near future. There may be future resignations that will create vacant places, however, and I am sure Kanadoğlu and his friends are better informed about such developments.”
This may or may not bear grains of truth. Still another motto remains the same, if one pays attention to the recent, lengthy comments by the former chief prosecutor of the Supreme Court of Appeals, Sabih Kanadoğlu, who urged the courts to put Gül on trial:
It's (still) the judiciary, stupid!
The struggle for power, beyond the appearances of politics, will continue in the depths of Ankara with new rounds, more excitement and, certainly, more damage. Risk levels remain unchanged.
Was Gül simply projecting wishful thinking rather than conveying the truth when he told the press in Damascus about the “unity” in Ankara about a solution? Probably so. He is aware, perhaps more than anyone in power, that Turkey is racing against time in not only the question of the Kurdish rift but also on two major border conflicts -- one in the south and another in the east -- and an increasingly blurred European Union negotiations process.
“The most important factors are domestic. Presidential elections, the resurrection of Kurdistan Workers' Party [PKK] terror and the closure case against the AK Party slowed down the pace. The two or three years we left behind have been lost,” said Ahmet Davutoğlu, the foreign minister, reflecting the view that the ticking clock is a reality -- and a stress generator.
At this moment, some points can be made. The greatest challenge remains the Constitution. It is the mother of all problems. All the disturbing elements, deviations, abnormalities, polarizations, discontent, radicalization and leverages to maintain the status quo stem from it. Unless it is approached with a will for a wide consensus, Turkey will not only be standing on the same ground, but risks falling back into its dark self. In addition to the first point, there must also be a vigorous search for common ground between political actors, and this search may not work if it is exclusive of the current top commander. This search should also include the precondition that the judiciary is made aware of the race against time phenomenon. As Davutoğlu made clear, time must be used most efficiently. Parliament must work overtime to pass significant laws and turn into a ground of benevolent communication. Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan must explain, in all honesty, to his public the virtues of opening the border with Armenia and of cooperation to deal with Cyprus in a sophisticated manner. The recent EU criticism regarding press freedom in the Doğan Media Group tax evasion case should have shown its owner, Aydın Doğan, the fairness of the EU's soft power. Now, the key is whether this position is well grasped by the leading Doğan paper, Hürriyet. It is the outlet which has spread the most suspicions and ill intent about the EU. A full and honest commitment from the Doğan Media Group from now on may help “change” the mood of the “enemies of change” in Turkey.
