Among them is the Kurdish problem. It is the time to settle this issue because all actors concerned are in broad agreement about the disarming of the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK), and the Turkish government has moved to recognize the Kurdish identity. If the government acts in a courageous way to liquidate the PKK, we can expect for the first time a political solution to the problem.
Another important step needs to be taken concerning Turkish-Armenian relations. Recent rapprochement between the two countries should continue uninterrupted. What the Turkish government can do without much fuss is establish diplomatic contact with Armenia and open the border gate for trade and travel. Turkey has nothing to lose from such an opening. On the contrary, such a move will remove a heavy burden on Turkish foreign policy and enhance Turkey's weight in regional and global politics. Turkey's Armenian initiative will also add a new element to the reformist credibility of the AK Party government.
On Cyprus we should expect some new initiatives from Turkey. Given the renewed mandate for the AK Party, the post-election period is a perfect time to bring the additional protocol for a customs union before Parliament, thus eliminating a significant barrier to Turkey's full negotiations with the EU on the one hand and pressuring the Greek Cypriots in the ongoing talks in Cyprus on the other.
There is another important issue to be tackled in the post-election era. This is about civilian-military relations. It is obvious that unless proper civilian-military relations are established, it is impossible to talk about a strong democratic regime in this country. Democracy is constantly under threat from the military. As revealed in the diaries of Mustafa Balbay, a journalist from the Cumhuriyet daily, and also in the Ergenekon indictment, the military's top four commanders planned coups in 2003 and 2004.
Remember, these years were the years when the government was introducing very important reforms, the EU was about to start accession negotiations and the Cyprus question was about to be settled. Moreover, it was a period when no widespread discontent toward the AK Party government existed even among its political opponents. In short, it was a time of great optimism in Turkey and abroad about the future of the country.
But a few generals were planning a military coup! Therefore, the coup-plotting mentality of the military is the greatest obstacle to Turkish democracy.
Now these plots are on trial. But more political and legal enhancement for democracy is needed. The first thing to do is abolish Article 35 of the military's Internal Service Code, which refers to the duties of the military as "protecting and safeguarding the republic." This is a notorious code because it was used in every military coup in order to justify the coup. Many in the military think that this phrase in Article 35 justifies military coups. Of course it does not. There is no legal base for a military coup in neither the law nor in the Constitution. Not only officers but also several civilians, who include some notable men of law, are of this opinion. Among them are former Chief Public Prosecutor Vural Savaş; Mümtaz Soysal, a professor of constitutional law; and another former chief public prosecutor, Sabih Kanadoğlu. They are of the view that contemplating a military coup is an act of freedom of speech that cannot be brought to court. These are the Kemalists who defend a coup in the 21st century, an indication how they turned out to be the most reactionary and backward-looking political group in Turkey.
So abolishing Article 35 of the Internal Service Code is symbolically important to show that the Turkish Parliament and the people at large are determined to reset civilian-military relations according to the principles of democracy. Now that the coup plotters are being tried in court, it is time to send such a message.
These are a few things left to institutionalize Turkish democracy and establish peace in the region.
