The Committee of Union and Progress systemized rebellions and took control over the administration. This period accelerated the collapse of the Ottoman Empire, which continued throughout the Turkish Republic. Unhappy commissioned officers would covertly organize within the military, intimidate the administration and even take control of the government. Fascinatingly, the Turkish public, which usually chose to remain silent during such interventions, would turn to their legal rights as soon as possible and try to express their disapproval of the coup leaders. The first coup after the institution of the multiparty system took place on May 27, 1960. Then-Prime Minister Adnan Menderes and his ministers were the subject of serious allegations. Most of the claims were false and slanderous. According to the news headlines of the times the police had thrown leftist students into a meat grinder. Most of the news in the press was influenced by those who wanted to overthrow the government. In view of the lack of claims of missing persons, it was obvious that such news was nothing more than vicious fabrications.
The public was aware of the falsity of the allegations against Prime Minister Menderes, which led to his hanging along with his two ministers and to only a “private outcry” of the public. But people did not condone the coup. The most popular name given to babies during that time was Menderes, the last name of the late prime minister.
The newly formed Justice Party won the first elections after the coup. The vote for the Justice Party was a vote for the old Democratic Party of Adnan Menderes. Citizens who had been silent during Menderes’ hanging rushed to the polls to vote against the coup leaders.
As for the Sept. 12, 1980 coup, it held some validity. Youth was polarized into leftist and rightist camps. This led to a rift among the people and dozens were killed each day. The public was relieved when Kenan Evren and his colleagues imposed military rule to maintain peace and security.
A new constitution was drafted; Evren Pasha was elected president and the next elections were held in 1983. A short period before the elections, Evren Pasha asked public’s support for a party that had been set up by a retired army official. Evren had touched Turkey’s most sensitive nerve. When the people were told whom to vote for, it led to the writing of the story of Turgut Özal. The Motherland Party (ANAP, now ANAVATAN) won the elections and the military leaders were left out in the cold.
The Feb. 28, 1997 coup is referred to as the postmodern coup. It was a military intervention that was employed with the help of civil organizations 10 years ago. Although it appeared to be milder than previous coups, the consequences were not.
The psychological war imposed on the people to create an environment for the coup had made life tough. In addition, the civil organizations were not really civil; they were more like civil servants waiting for orders from the military. Some generals even determined newspaper headlines.
High court officials were summoned to the General Staff and briefed. The atmosphere 10 years ago was that the country was getting away from the people’s hands, for there was an Islamic party in power. But the leading party, the Welfare Party (RP), had only won 21.5 percent of the vote. Vocational religious schools, Quran classes, religious nonprofit organizations and others were subjected to pressure as once again the public remained silent. But the public expressed its disapproval of the coup as soon as the opportunity presented itself.
Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, current prime minister, was imprisoned for reciting an old poem that was actually included in school books. The first elections after the February 28 coup brought Erdoğan and his party, the Justice and Development Party (AK Party) to power with 36 percent of the vote. This was a response by the public consciousness to the Feb. 28 postmodern coup. In Turkey, the public has managed to take in democracy. The public does not want to be influenced or the democratic process to be interrupted. People are right. To sacrifice the gains achieved on the way to democracy with a Muslim identity for the sake of adventure would be a historic mistake.
