It seems that the reason why many Western observers think along these lines is because of their formerly established link in Turkey. I have long argued that Western observers have one communication channel in Turkey -- military officers, like-minded Kemalist intellectuals and former leftist new liberals, all of whom have established prejudiced views toward the police and the Turkish political system. Military officers and the Kemalist establishment view the police as a second class institution that needs to be controlled, and when needed, the police should be reinforcement for the Kemalist modernization process. For instance, the national police played a critical role during the Feb. 28 coup process helping the military during this period.
Liberals constructed their view toward the police when they were leftist and were confronted with the police. Thus, their view toward the police is not much different than that of the Kemalists. For them, the police is an institution that was established to protect the regime, thus it did nothing but support the Turkish military.
Yet ever since the Ergenekon investigation perceptions toward the police have changed. The liberals no longer consider the police as a secondary force to reinforce the military, rather both Kemalists and liberal intellectuals consider the police as a first-tier force to protect the new regime that was established after the Ergenekon investigation.
The reality, however, shows us a completely different picture. Those who make comments about the police have no insight into how the police think, what their educational background is or how they would react in critical circumstances.
First, unlike the military, the Turkish national police have no unified ideological commitment that you would expect to see from this institution. It is rather an institution that easily finds a comfortable position according to the changing circumstances. I would argue that the Turkish national police have no color; it is like water that reflects the color of the container in which it is placed. Thus, it was the same police intuition that voluntarily helped the military generals in the Feb. 28 coup, and it is the same institution that is now helping the government to fight against the Ergenekon network. Many police chiefs who helped the military generals in the Feb. 28 coup are now the police chiefs under the Justice and Development Party (AKP) government.
I could list hundreds of them who sill remain in this critical position. It is no joke you could see police chiefs at the mosque as a “one-night Muslim” if he needed to show his Islamic devotedness, but at the same time you could see the same police chief in a bar for a night, if it was beneficial to him as well.
That is the reality of the police. Thus, it is impossible for the national police to replace the military. If Turkey has a different political climate tomorrow the national police would be the first supporter of that climate. This institution has no program to pursue, therefore no political culture to resist or any other alternative programs. It is a very adopting, practical institution that is not an alternative to the Turkish military.
